Σάββατο, 10 Δεκεμβρίου 2016

Τα Αίτια της Ελληνικής Δικτατορίας

Πολύ ωραίο άρθρο της Wikipeda που εξηγεί τα αίτια της δικτατορίας των συνταγματαρχών (1963-1974). Βλέπε Wikipedia “Constantine of Greece II : Greek dictatorship 1967–1974”.



Ο βασικός λόγος ήταν ότι οι Αμερικανοί και η Ελληνική δεξιά φοβόντουσαν ότι τις εκλογές του 1967 θα κέρδιζε ο Γεώργιος Παπανδρέου, και λόγω της κλονισμένης υγείας του θα είχε μεγάλη επιρροή ο γιος του Ανδρέας Παπανδρέου, ο οποίος σε αντίθεση με τον πατέρας του έγερνε προς τα αριστερά, που σημαίνει ότι έβλεπε θετικά την Σοβιετική Ένωση.

Δύο χρόνια νωρίτερα είχε ξεσπάσει το σκάνδαλο “ΑΣΠΙΔΑ”, όταν ο Ανδρέας Παπανδρέου οργάνωνε αριστερούς στρατιωτικούς του Ελληνικού Στρατού ώστε να πάρουν την εξουσία. Αυτή η κίνηση του Ανδρέα Παπανδρέου ήταν στα πλαίσια των Free Officers Movement που ακολουθούσαν εκείνη την περίοδο στις Αραβικές χώρες και ανέτρεπαν από την εξουσία τους φιλο-δυτικούς μονάρχες πχ Αίγυπτος, Λιβύη, Ιράκ κλπ. Βλέπε Wikipedia Free Officers Movement”.

Το σκάνδαλο όπως θα διαβάσετε στην Wikipedia το κουκούλωσε ο Γεώργιος Παπανδρέου εξοργίζοντας την δεξιά και προκαλώντας μεγάλη ανησυχία στους Αμερικανούς.

Αυτός ήταν ο λόγος που και οι Αμερικανοί και ο Βασιλιάς Κωνσταντίνος αναγκάστηκαν να δεχτούν το πραξικόπημα που έκανε η δεξιά. Όπως έχω ξαναπεί στους σανοφάγους εδώ λένε ότι ο Ανδρέας Παπανδρέου ήταν άνθρωπος των Αμερικανών, επειδή είχε πάρει την Αμερικανική υπηκοότητα και ζούσε και δίδασκε στις ΗΠΑ. Δείτε την Αμερικανική Ακαδημία ακόμη και σήμερα. Δεν υπάρχει τίποτα πιο αριστερό και αντιαμερικανικό.


“Free Officers Movement”

“Υπόθεση ΑΣΠΙΔΑ”
Η υπόθεση ΑΣΠΙΔΑ ήταν ένα πολιτικό και στρατιωτικό σκάνδαλο που ξέσπασε στην Ελλάδα στα μέσα Μαΐου του 1965 και ήταν ένας από τους λόγους που οδήγησαν στην αποστασία του 1965.
Δύο εβδομάδες μετά τον ανασχηματισμό και την επιστροφή του Ανδρέα Παπανδρέου στην κυβέρνηση της Ένωσης Κέντρου ξέσπασε η "βόμβα" της υπόθεσης ΑΣΠΙΔΑ (Αξιωματικοί Σώσατε Πατρίδα, Ιδανικά, Δημοκρατία, Αξιοκρατία). Παράγοντες της Δεξιάς κατήγγειλαν ότι υπήρχε μέσα στο στρατό οργάνωση με τα αρχικά αυτά και με απόκλιση προς τα "αριστερά", με πολιτικό αρχηγό το γιο του πρωθυπουργού. Από τα στοιχεία που αποκαλύφθηκαν αργότερα προέκυψε ότι ο Πέτρος Γαρουφαλιάς, ο στρατηγός Γεώργιος Γρίβας και ο στρατηγός Γεννηματάς είχαν ενημερωθεί για κάποιες "κινήσεις" για οργάνωση και "μυήσεις" σε ορισμένες στρατιωτικές μονάδες στην Κύπρο και στην Αθήνα, τουλάχιστον από τον Μάρτιο του 1965. Κάποια στιγμή ενημέρωσαν το βασιλιά, όχι όμως και τον πρωθυπουργό. Κεντρικό πρόσωπο στις κινήσεις αυτές παρουσιαζόταν ο λοχαγός Άρις Μπουλούκος, παλαιό μέλος της οργάνωσης Χ του Γρίβα, που είχε τοποθετηθεί στην ΚΥΠ, κατόπιν επιμονής του συμπατριώτη του υπουργού Εξωτερικών Σταύρου Κωστόπουλου, και είχε μετατεθεί στην Κύπρο, κατόπιν παρακλήσεως του ίδιου του Γρίβα. Ο Μπουλούκος, μαζί με άλλους αξιωματικούς, είχαν επισκεφθεί επανειλημμένα τον Ανδρέα Παπανδρέου, με πρόσχημα κάποιο ρουσφέτι, στην πραγματικότητα όμως για να αποκτήσουν από τις επισκέψεις αυτές "ατού" και ακτινοβολία μεταξύ των συναδέλφων τους. Μία δακτυλογραφημένη αναφορά του Γρίβα προς τον Γαρουφαλιά, που έφτασε στα χέρια του πρωθυπουργού Γεωργίου Παπανδρέου, περιείχε και τον "όρκο" της οργάνωσης του ΑΣΠΙΔΑ, ενώ στην εισαγωγική αναφορά του ο Γρίβας μνημόνευε τον Ανδρέα Παπανδρέου. Ο ίδιος ο Ανδρέας Παπανδρέου σημειώνει στις αναμνήσεις του: "Η ανησυχία του πατέρα μου ξεκινούσε από το γεγονός ότι η εισαγωγική παράγραφος της αναφοράς του Γρίβα αναφερόταν σε εμένα. Ο Γρίβας υποστήριζε πως η επίσκεψή μου στην Κύπρο υπονόμευσε το ηθικό του εκεί ελληνικού στρατού και υπογράμμιζε το γεγονός ότι ο λοχαγός Μπουλούκος μιλούσε με θαυμασμό για μένα στους συναδέλφους του. Ο Γρίβας υπαινισσόταν πως υπήρχε στενός σύνδεσμος μεταξύ εμού και της ομάδας του ΑΣΠΙΔΑ".



Constantine of Greece II : Greek dictatorship 1967–1974”
Elections were scheduled for 28 May 1967, with expectations of a wide Centrist victory. According to United States diplomat John Day, the Americans worried that, due to the old age of George PapandreouAndreas Papandreou would have a very powerful role in the next government.
According to the United States diplomats Robert Keely and John Owens, who were attached to the United States embassy in Greece at the time, Constantine asked United States Ambassador Phillips Talbot what the attitude of the United States government would be to an extra-parliamentary solution to this problem. The embassy responded negatively in principle, adding that "US reaction to such a move cannot be determined in advance but would depend on circumstances at time". To this day, Constantine denies all this.[7]
According to then-Ambassador from the United States Phillips Talbot, after this communication, Constantine met with the generals of the army, who promised the king that they would not take any action before the coming elections. However, they were nervous by the proclamations of Andreas Papandreou and reserved to themselves the right to reconsider possible courses of action according to the results of the election.[7]
However, a traditionalist, right-wing nationalist group of middle-ranking army officers led by Colonel George Papadopoulos took action first and staged a coup d'état on 21 April. The coup leaders met Constantine at his residence in Tatoi, which was surrounded by tanks to prevent resistance.
Constantine later recounted that the officers of the tank platoons believed they were carrying out the coup under his orders.[7] The king argued with the colonels and initially dismissed them. Later in the day, he went to the Ministry of National Defence, where all coup leaders were gathered, and had a discussion with Kanellopoulos and with leading generals. He agreed to concede to the military demands and swear the new regime in only when the junta agreed to include a number of civilian politicians, with a royalist nominee, Konstantinos Kollias, as prime minister.
However Panayotis Kanellopoulos, the last legitimate prime minister of Greece prior to the coup, acting as witness for the prosecution, at the junta trials in 1975 during metapolitefsi, testified how he was arrested by machine-gun toting soldiers and transported to the palace to meet King Constantine.[citation needed] He added that during the meeting he urged the king to use his status as commander-in-chief of the Greek military to order loyal officers to crush the coup. Constantine apparently refused to do so because he feared bloodshed.[8]
From the outset, the relationship between Constantine and the regime of the colonels was an uneasy one.[9] Constantine organised a counter-coup and it was probably meant as one, although no help or involvement of the United States was forthcoming.
The king finally decided to launch his counter-coup on 13 December 1967. Since Athens was effectively in the hands of the junta militarily, Constantine decided to fly to the small northern city of Kavala, east of Thessaloniki. There he hoped to be among troops loyal only to him.
The vague plan he and his advisors had conceived was to form a unit that would advance to Thessaloniki (Greece's second biggest city and unofficial capital of northern Greece) and take it. Constantine planned to install an alternative administration there. International recognition, which he believed to be forthcoming, as well as internal pressure from the fact that Greece would have been split in two governments would, the king hoped, force the junta to resign, leaving the field clear for him to return triumphant to Athens.
In the early morning hours of 13 December, the king boarded the royal plane together with Queen Anne-Marie of Greece, their two young children, Princess Alexia and Prince Pavlos, his mother, Queen Frederica, and his sister, Princess Irene. Constantine also took with him Premier Kollias.
At first things seemed to be going according to plan. Constantine was well received in Kavala which, militarily, was under the command of a general loyal to him. The air force and navy, both strongly royalist and not involved in the 1967 coup, immediately declared for him and mobilised. Another of Constantine's generals effectively cut all communication between Athens and the north.
However, the king's plans were overly bureaucratic, naïvely supposing that orders from a commanding general would automatically be followed.[citation needed] Further, the king was obsessive about avoiding "bloodshed" even where the junta would be the attacker.[citation needed]
Under these circumstances, rather than managing to put together a force and advancing on Thessaloniki, middle-ranking pro-junta officers neutralised and arrested his royalist generals and took command of their units, which subsequently put together a force advancing on Kavala to arrest the king.
Realising that the countercoup had failed, Constantine fled Greece on board the royal plane, taking his family and hapless premier with him.
They landed in Rome early in the morning of 14 December, where they remained in exile all through the rest of military rule (although he continued as king until 1 June 1973.) He was never to return to Greece as a reigning king.
Constantine stated, "I am sure I shall go back the way my ancestors did."[9] The world had changed significantly though since the monarchy had made its last comeback. Constantine continued to watch events from abroad. He said to the Toronto Star:
I consider myself King of the Hellenes and sole expression of legality in my country until the Greek people freely decide otherwise. I fully expected that the (military) regime would depose me eventually. They are frightened of the Crown because it is a unifying force among the people.[3]
With Constantine abroad, Colonel George Papadopoulos illegally appointed himself prime-minister and General George Zoitakis as regent.
Over the next year the junta sent intermediaries to the king to negotiate the terms on which he might return to Greece. But Constantine insisted on the full restoration of democracy under the existing constitution as a precondition, and George Papadopoulos would not agree to this. Instead the regime illegally promulgated a new constitution in November 1968, which retained the monarchy, but stripped it of its powers, and provided for a permanent regency until the king chose to accept the new order. This standoff continued until 1972, when George Papadopoulos illegally dismissed George Zoitakis and appointed himself regent.
In June 1973, George Papadopoulos condemned Constantine as "a collaborator with foreign forces and with murderers" and accused him of "pursuing ambitions to become a political leader."[3]In May, officers of the largely royalist navy staged an abortive coup, although Constantine himself was not involved. George Papadopoulos retaliated by declaring Greecerepublic (1 June), a decision which was confirmed by a plebiscite on 29 July. The vote was widely acknowledged to be rigged.[citation neededConstantine refused to accept the outcome. George Papadopoulos then declared himself president, but in November there was a coup within the regime and he was replaced by General Phaidon Ghizikis, who was a front for the new military strongman, Dimitrios Ioannides.


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