Κυριακή, 19 Ιουνίου 2016

Ο Ρόλος του Ιράν στην Αραβική Άνοιξη της Λιβύης, και η Αραβική Άνοιξη στο Ομάν

Πολύ ωραίο άρθρο για την Αραβική Άνοιξη στο Ομάν από το κεντροαριστερό Αμερικανικό site Huffington Post. Βλέπε “How the Arab Spring Skirted Oman”, Δεκέμβριος 2011.



Να πω ότι το Huffington Post είναι όπως και το CNN ένα κεντροαριστερό site, και δεν είναι και τυχαίο ότι είναι αυτά τα δύο Αμερικανικά sites που λειτουργούν και στην Ελλάδα. Η  Huffington Post είναι πολύ φιλική προς τους Ισλαμιστές, πολύ εχθρική προς τους Ρώσους, και πάρα πολύ υπέρ της έλευσης Μουσουλμάνων μεταναστών στην Ευρώπη και τις ΗΠΑ. Για κεντροδεξιά sites βλέπετε Fox News, Wall Street Journal, Breitbart κλπ.

Παρόλα αυτά στα διεθνή θέματα το Huffington Post έχει πολύ καλά άρθρα, και το θεωρώ ένα καλό site, και δεν θα πρέπει να το βάζουμε στο ίδιο καζάνι με τα δικά μας ΜΜΕ. Όπως άλλωστε συμβαίνει και με τα υπόλοιπα μεγάλα κεντροαριστερά sites της Ευρώπης και των ΗΠΑ, πχ Guardian, New York Times κλπ, τα οποία όταν πρόκειται για διεθνή θέματα έχουν ωραία άρθρα. Απλά πρέπει να έχετε υπόψη σας ότι οι οικονομικές αναλύσεις τους είναι πάντα σοσιαλιστικές.

Γράφει λοιπόν το άρθρο της Huffington Post ότι η Αραβική Άνοιξη στο Ομάν τον Φεβρουάριο του 2011 ήταν ένα μήνυμα που έστειλαν στο Ομάν τα Ηνωμένα Αραβικά Εμιράτα, φαντάζομαι και η Σαουδική Αραβία, προκειμένου το Ομάν να προσέξει την φιλία του με το Ιράν.

Έχω πει πολλές φορές ότι το Ομάν είναι φτωχό σε πετρέλαιο και αέριο, σε σχέση τουλάχιστον με τις υπόλοιπες χώρες του Περσικού Κόλπου, και έχει συμφωνήσει με το Ιράν και την Ινδία να κατασκευάσουν τον αγωγό φυσικού αερίου Ιράν-Ομάν-Ινδίας, ώστε να μπορέσει η Ινδία να παρακάμψει τον μεγάλο της εχθρό, το Πακιστάν, προκειμένου να προμηθευτεί φτηνό φυσικό αέριο.

Χάρτης 1  Αγωγός Ιράν-Ομάν-Ινδία



Οι δύο χώρες έχουν επίσης συμφωνήσει να χρησιμοποιεί το Ιράν τις εγκαταστάσεις υγροποίησης φυσικού αερίου του Ομάν, οι οποίες αυτή την στιγμή υπολειτουργούν. Με αυτόν τον τρόπο οι δύο χώρες θα εξάγουν Ιρανικό φυσικό αέριο, το οποίο θα μεταφέρεται από το Ιράν στο Ομάν στην φυσική του μορφή, στο Ομάν θα υγροποιείται, και στην συνέχεια θα εξάγεται σε μορφή LNG.

Οι συμμαχία του Ιράν με τους Άραβες του Ομάν, δίνει επίσης στους Ιρανούς πάτημα στην Αραβική Χερσόνησο, και το Ιράν βρίσκεται ήδη σε πόλεμο με τους Σαουδάραβες στην Υεμένη. Στην Υεμένη το Ιράν υποστηρίζει τους αντάρτες Χούτις.

Η συμφωνία φυσικού αερίου Ομάν-Ιράν προφανώς και θίγει εμπορικά πάρα πολύ το Κατάρ, το οποίο προμηθεύει τεράστιες ποσότητες φυσικού αερίου στην Ινδία. Το Κατάρ όπως έχω ξαναπεί συζητά με το Ιράν την συνεκμετάλλευση του μεγαλύτερου κοιτάσματος φυσικού αερίου στον κόσμο, το οποίο βρίσκεται ανάμεσα τους στον Περσικό Κόλπο (South Pars/North Fields), ώστε μαζί να στείλουν φυσικό αέριο στην Τουρκία και την Ινδία, ενδεχομένως και την Κίνα μέσω Πακιστάν.

Το South Pars/North Fields είναι ο βασικός λόγος που το Κατάρ είναι πιο ήπιο απέναντι στο Ιράν, σε σχέση τουλάχιστον με την Σαουδική Αραβία και τα Ηνωμένα Αραβικά Εμιράτα. Το Ιράν και το Κατάρ έχουν μάλιστα βρεθεί στο ίδιο στρατόπεδο σε κάποια επεισόδια της Αραβικής Άνοιξης (Αίγυπτος, Τυνησία, Λιβύη).

Να πω επίσης ότι το Ιράν ήταν η επιτιθέμενη χώρα στην Αραβική Άνοιξη  της Αιγύπτου, της Τυνησίας, του Μπαχρέιν, και ήταν η αμυνόμενη χώρα στην Αραβική Άνοιξη της Συρίας και του Ομάν. Αντίστοιχα η Σαουδική Αραβία ήταν η επιτιθέμενη χώρα στην Αραβική Άνοιξη του Ομάν και της Συρίας, και ήταν η αμυνόμενη χώρα στην Αραβική Άνοιξη της Τυνησίας, της Αιγύπτου, και του Μπαχρέιν.

Στην Λιβύη τα πράγματα ήταν πολύ πιο πολύπλοκα, γιατί από την μία πλευρά ο Καντάφι ήταν ένας παραδοσιακός εχθρός των Αράβων του Κόλπου, αφού αν και Άραβας είχε συμμαχήσει με το Ιράν, αλλά από την άλλη πλευρά τα τελευταία χρόνια υπήρχαν τεράστια προβλήματα και στις σχέσεις Καντάφι-Ιράν, με αποτέλεσμα να μην ξέρεις αν τον Καντάφι χτύπησαν περισσότερο οι Ιρανοί ή οι Άραβες.

Στο παρακάτω βιντεάκι θα δείτε τον Καντάφι να κατηγορεί τον Σαουδάραβα Βασιλιά, επειδή ο τελευταίος έφερε τους Αμερικανούς για να χτυπήσουν τον Σαντάμ Χουσέιν στον Περσικό Κόλπο το 1991, αντί να λύσει το πρόβλημα μόνος του. Ο Καντάφι λέει ότι οι Σαουδάραβες είναι διατεθειμένοι να συμμαχήσουν ακόμη και με τον διάβολο για να σώσουν το τομάρι τους, και ο Σαουδάραβας Βασιλιάς του απαντάει ότι δεν πρέπει να ανακατεύεται σε πράγματα που δεν τον αφορούν, και τον απειλεί ότι ο τάφος του είναι μπροστά του. Βλέπε “Καντάφι VS King Abdullah”.

Ο Καντάφι είχε οργανώσει αρκετές απόπειρες δολοφονίας εναντίον των Σαουδαράβων Βασιλιάδων, και το ίδιο είχαν κάνει και οι Σαουδάραβες εναντίον του Καντάφι.

Από την άλλη πλευρά, τα τελευταία χρόνια υπήρχαν πάρα πολύ μεγάλα προβλήματα και στις σχέσεις του Καντάφι και με τους Ιρανούς, παρόλο που ο Άραβας Καντάφι είχε πάει κόντρα στους Άραβες και είχε στηρίξει το Ιράν στον πόλεμο Ιράν-Ιράκ (1980-1988). Βλέπε “Η Γεωπολιτική της Συμμαχίας του Καντάφι με το Ιράν”

Θέλω να πω λίγα πράγματα για τον ρόλο του Ιράν στην Αραβική Άνοιξη της Λιβύης, γιατί μέχρι τώρα νόμιζα ότι το Ιράν δεν είχε χτυπήσει τον Καντάφι, αλλά νομίζω ότι έκανα ένα πολύ μεγάλο λάθος. Έκανα το λάθος αυτό επειδή παρασύρθηκα από την παραδοσιακή συμμαχία Ιράν-Καντάφι, και την παραδοσιακή έχθρα Σαουδικής Αραβίας, αγνοώντας τα τεράστια προβλήματα που είχαν μαζευτεί στην σχέση του Καντάφι με το Ιράν. Προφανώς τα προβλήματα του Καντάφι με το Ιράν αποδείχθηκαν σημαντικότερα από το κοινό μίσος για τον Σαουδάραβα Βασιλιά.

Ένα βασικό πρόβλημα στις σχέσεις Καντάφι-Ιράν ήταν ότι ο Καντάφι είχε κάνει συμφωνία με τους Γάλλους, σύμφωνα με την οποία οι Γάλλοι θα κατασκεύαζαν πυρηνικό εργοστάσιο στην Λιβύη. Βλέπε Spiegel “Sarkozy Meets Gadhafi: France to Build Nuclear Reactor in Libya”, Ιούλιος 2007.

Οι Γάλλοι όπως ξέρετε είναι σύμμαχοι των Αράβων, και εχθροί του Ιράν και της Τουρκίας. Φαντάζομαι ότι σε αντάλλαγμα ο Κανταφι θα υποσχέθηκε να σταματήσει να χτυπάει τους Γάλλους στον Νίγηρα, το Τσαντ και το Μάλι, χώρες στις οποίες οι Γάλλοι βασίζονται για την προμήθεια ουρανίου για την παραγωγή πυρηνικής ενέργειας. Οι Γάλλοι είναι εξαρτημένοι από την παραγωγή πυρηνικής ενέργειας, βασίζονται στην Βόρεια Αφρική για ουράνιο, και δυστυχώς για αυτούς το ουράνιο της Βόρειας Αφρικής διεκδικούν και οι Ιρανοί, και οι σύμμαχοι των Ιρανών οι Κινέζοι, αλλά και ο Καντάφι, μέχρι τουλάχιστον να κάνει την συμφωνία με τους Γάλλους. Όλοι αυτοί έχουν υποστηρίξει, και εξακολουθούν να υποστηρίζουν, τρομοκρατικές επιθέσεις εναντίον των Γάλλων στην Αφρική αλλά και στην Γαλλία.

Όταν λοιπόν λέμε ότι ο Καντάφι εγκατέλειψε το πυρηνικό του πρόγραμμα το 2003, και συμφώνησε με τους Γάλλους την κατασκευή του πυρηνικού εργοστασίου στην Λιβύη το 2007, είναι λογικό να θεωρήσουμε ότι το λιγότερο θα σταματούσε να χτυπάει τους Γάλλους στην Βόρεια Αφρική, και το περισσότερο να θεωρήσουμε ότι θα υποστήριζε κιόλας τους Γάλλους στην Βόρεια Αφρική, εναντίον κάποιων κοινών εχθρών, κάποιων Ισλαμιστών δηλαδή, που χτυπούσαν και τους Γάλλους και τον Καντάφι.

Τέτοιοι Ισλαμιστές ήταν αυτοί που υποστηρίζονταν από το Σουδάν, που ήταν ο στενότερος σύμμαχος του Ιράν στην Αφρική. Ο Καντάφι είχε πολύ εχθρικές σχέσεις με το Σουδάν, και ο Καντάφι είχε υποστηρίξει τους Χριστιανούς και τους μη Άραβες αυτονομιστές του Σουδάν. Βλέπε για παράδειγμα BBCDarfur rebel leader Khalil Ibrahim flees Libya”, Σεπτέμβριος 2011.



Οι αυτονομιστές του Νοτίου Σουδάν είχαν το πετρέλαιο του Σουδάν, και κατάφεραν τελικά να αποκτήσουν την ανεξαρτησία τους το 2011, με το Σουδάν να σπάει σε Σουδάν και Νότιο Σουδάν, και το πετρέλαιο του Νοτίου Σουδάν να βρίσκεται μπλοκαρισμένο στο Νότιο Σουδάν, κάτι που δημιούργησε μεγάλο πρόβλημα και στην Κίνα, η οποία είναι η χώρα που κυριαρχεί στο Σουδάν. Η απώλεια του πετρελαίου του Νοτίου Σουδάν στέρησε από τους Άραβες του Σουδάν από την βασική πηγή εσόδων τους, και οδήγησε το 2015 στην μετατόπιση του Σουδάν από το στρατόπεδο του Ιράν στο στρατόπεδο της Σαουδικής Αραβίας.

Μπορούμε να πούμε ότι η απώλεια του βασικού συμμάχου των Ιρανών στην Αφρική, του Σουδάν, οφείλεται σε μεγάλο βαθμό στον Καντάφι. Όσο οι Άραβες του Βορείου Σουδάν είχαν το πετρέλαιο του Νοτίου Σουδάν, και το εξήγαγαν από την Ερυθρά Θάλασσα (Port Sudan), απέναντι σχεδόν από το λιμάνι Yanbu της Σαουδικής Αραβίας, υπήρχε ένταση ανάμεσα στην Σαουδική Αραβία και τους Άραβες του Σουδάν. Η Σαουδική Αραβία βασίζεται πάρα πολύ στον αγωγό East-West και το λιμάνι Yanbu, από το οποίο εξάγει πετρέλαιο στην Ερυθρά Θάλασσα.

Χάρτης 2 Αγωγοί Ερυθράς Θάλασσας



Ο αγωγός East-West εκτός από το να καθιστά φθηνότερες τις εξαγωγές της Σαουδικής Αραβίας προς την Ευρώπη και την Αφρική, λόγω πολύ μειωμένων εξόδων μεταφοράς, δίνει στην Σαουδική Αραβία και μία εναλλακτική για τις εξαγωγές της προς την Ασία. Αυτό θα είναι πολύ σημαντικό σε περίπτωση που κάποια στιγμή το Ιράν κλείσει τα Στενά του Χορμούζ στον Περσικό Κόλπο για τους Σαουδάραβες, όπως πολλές φορές στο παρελθόν έχει απειλήσει ότι θα κάνει.

Χάρτης 3 Στενά του Χορμούζ και Στενά Bab el Mandeb




Τα πράγματα θα γίνουν πολύ χειρότερα για τους Σαουδάραβες αν το Ιράν πάρει τον έλεγχο της Υεμένης. Ο πόλεμος της Υεμένης  βρίσκεται σε εξέλιξη, και αν οι Ιρανοί πάρουν τον έλεγχο της Υεμένης θα μπορούν να απειλήσουν την Σαουδική Αραβία και στα Στενά του Bab el Mandeb στον Κόλπο του Aden. Στην Διώρυγα του Σουέζ η Σαουδική Αραβία είναι προς το παρόν ασφαλής, λόγω της συμμαχίας της με την Αίγυπτο.

Εκτός από τα προβλήματα με τους στενούς συμμάχους του Ιράν τους Σουδανούς, υπήρχε μεγάλη έχθρα ανάμεσα στον Καντάφι και την άλλη στενή σύμμαχο του Ιράν, την Λιβανέζικη Σιιτική Χεζμπολάχ. Η Χεζμπολάχ είχε πάρα πολύ έντονη παρουσία στο Σουδάν, και υποστήριζε τους Ισλαμιστές της Λιβύης, και ο Καντάφι υποστήριζε αριστερές οργανώσεις του Λιβάνου εναντίον των Ισλαμιστών της Χεζμπολάχ. Αυτός είναι ο λόγος που η Χεζμπολάχ χτύπησε με τόσο πάθος τον Καντάφι, όπως μπορείτε να διαβάσετε στο άρθρο του London Business Review. Βλέπε “Hizbullahs part in Gaddafis downfall”, Οκτώβριος 2011.

Στο μεταξύ η κομμουνιστική και η ναζιστική προπαγάνδα δεν λένε τίποτα από όλα αυτά στον αριστερό σανοφάγο. Λένε ότι η Αραβική Άνοιξη είναι κάτι που έκανε η CIA, και τελεία και παύλα. Ρουφάει και ο φουκαράς ο σανοφάγος τον καφέ, του ευχαριστημένος που ξεσκέπασε μία ακόμη συνωμοσία. Την συνωμοσία με αριθμό 130.900.

Επίσης, όταν ο Καντάφι εγκατέλειψε το πυρηνικό του πρόγραμμα το 2003, κάρφωσε τους Πακιστανούς, και είπε ότι ήταν αυτοί που πουλούσαν πυρηνική τεχνολογία και εξοπλισμό στην Λιβύη. Το Πακιστάν είναι η μόνη Μουσουλμανική χώρα που διαθέτει πυρηνικά όπλα. Το Πακιστάν και η Βόρεια Κορέα, εκτός από την Λιβύη, προφανώς και πουλάνε πυρηνική τεχνολογία και πυρηνικό εξοπλισμό και στο Ιράν, και η κίνηση αυτή του Καντάφι ήταν σίγουρα άλλο ένα αγκάθι στις σχέσεις του με το Ιράν, αφού το Ιράν καταβάλλει τεράστιες προσπάθειες να αποκτήσει πυρηνικό οπλοστάσιο. Βλέπε “Το Λαθρεμπόριο των Πυρηνικών Όπλων”.

Για το πρόβλημα που προέκυψε για το Ιράν μετά τις αποκαλύψεις για την δραστηριότητα του Πακιστάν στην μαύρη αγορά των πυρηνικών όπλων βλέπε “Pakistan-Iran Border Stress”, Νοέμβριος 2014.

Η Ρωσία, που είναι η χώρα που έχει αναλάβει να κατασκευάσει εργοστάσια παραγωγής πυρηνικής ενέργειας στο Ιράν, προφανώς και δεν μπορεί να βοηθήσει το Ιράν να κατασκευάσει πυρηνικά όπλα. Και γιατί θα δημιουργηθούν προβλήματα στις σχέσεις της Ρωσίας με την Δύση, αλλά και γιατί το Ιράν είναι μία από τις πλουσιότερες χώρες στον κόσμο σε πετρέλαιο και αέριο, και η Ρωσία μπορεί στο μέλλον να βρει το Ιράν απέναντι της ως εχθρό, όπως το έχει συναντήσει πάρα πολλές φορές κατά την διάρκεια των τελευταίων αιώνων.

Υπό προϋποθέσεις μάλιστα  η Ρωσία μπορεί να βρει απέναντι της ενωμένους τους Ισλαμιστές του Ιράν και τους Ισλαμιστές της Τουρκίας, αφού η Τουρκία είναι μία φτωχή σε πετρέλαιο και αέριο χώρα, και έχει μεγάλα περιθώρια συνεργασίας με το Ιράν. Και τις δύο χώρες κυβερνούν σοσιαλιστές Ισλαμιστές, Σουνίτες οι μεν Σιίτες οι δε, που είναι ένα ακόμη συνδετικό στοιχείο. Άλλωστε όπως έχω ξαναπεί οι Ιρανοί υποστήριξαν πάρα πολύ την άνοδο των Ισλαμιστών στην Τουρκία, επειδή οι Τούρκοι Κεμαλικοί είχαν στενές σχέσεις με τους Αμερικανούς και τους Ισραηλινούς.

Δώστε βάση σε αυτά όσοι νομίζετε ότι η Χρυσή Αυγή είναι ένα φιλορωσικό και όχι ένα φιλοιρανικό κόμμα ή φιλοκαταριανό κόμμα. Η Χρυσή Αυγή να σας θυμίσω λέει ότι τους Μουσουλμάνους μετανάστες στην Ελλάδα τους φέρνουν οι Εβραίοι, και όχι οι Έλληνες Κομμουνιστές μαζί με τους Τούρκους Ισλαμιστές. Αυτά που λέει ο Μίμης Ανδρουλάκης λέει και η Χρυσή Αυγή.

Επίσης θυμηθείτε ότι ποτέ η Χρυσή Αυγή δεν είπε ένα μπράβο στον Σαμαρά που μέσα σε 6 μήνες καθάρισε την Ελλάδα που είχαν κάνει Πακιστάν οι Γιώργος Παπανδρέου και Γιάννης Ραγκούσης. Αντιθέτως μάλιστα η Χρυσή Αυγή κατηγορεί ψευδώς τον Σαμαρά ότι άνοιξε τα σύνορα Ελλάδας-Αλβανίας, ενώ τα σύνορα Ελλάδας-Αλβανίας ήταν κλειστά από τους Αλβανούς μέχρι το 1991, και όχι από την Ελλάδα. Βλέπε “Οι Ψεύτικες Θέσεις της Χρυσής Αυγής για το Μετναστευτικό”.

Να συνεχίσω όμως με το θέμα της ανάρτησης. Το Πακιστάν σε αντίθεση με το Ιράν δεν έχει πετρέλαιο και αέριο, και θέλει το πετρέλαιο και το αέριο του Ιράν, και είναι μία τόσο διεφθαρμένη χώρα που δεν έχει κανένα πρόβλημα να πουλήσει πυρηνική τεχνολογία και εξοπλισμό στην μαύρη αγορά, όπως αποδεδειγμένα έχει κάνει στο παρελθόν. Ταυτόχρονα βέβαια το Πακιστάν διαβεβαιώνει την Σαουδική Αραβία, που είναι η παραδοσιακή του σύμμαχος και του τα σκάει, ότι αν χρειαστεί θα την προμηθεύσει με πυρηνικά όπλα για να αντιμετωπίσει τον καινούργιο φίλο του Πακιστάν, το Ιράν.

Ένα άλλο πρόβλημα του Ιράν με τον Καντάφι, ήταν ότι μετά την επίθεση στους Δίδυμους Πύργους το 2001, ο Καντάφι είχε αρχίσει να συνεργάζεται με τις μυστικές υπηρεσίες των ΗΠΑ και τις Αγγλίας εναντίον της Αλ Κάιντα, αφού η Αλ Κάιντα ήταν ένας κοινός εχθρός, γιατί την χρησιμοποιούσε και το Σουδάν, αλλά και άλλες χώρες, εναντίον του Καντάφι.. Ο Καντάφι έδινε στις μυστικές υπηρεσίες της Αγγλίας και των ΗΠΑ πληροφορίες για Ισλαμιστές τρομοκράτες. Βλέπε “Η Συνεργασία Τζορτζ Μπους-Καντάφι”.

Έχω πει πολλές φορές ότι η Αλ Κάιντ, αν και Σαουδαραβική τρομοκρατική οργάνωση, επειδή στρέφεται εναντίον του Σαουδάραβα Βασιλιά και των Αμερικανών, είχε πολλές φορές στο παρελθόν και την υποστήριξη του Ιράν, και του Σαντάμ Χουσέιν, αλλά και άλλων εχθρών των ΗΠΑ.

Προφανώς με την βελτίωση των σχέσεων ΗΠΑ-Ιράν η δυνατότητα και η επιθυμία του Ιράν να υποστηρίζει την Αλ Κάιντα θα περιορισθεί πάρα πολύ. Αλλά από την άλλη πλευρά η βελτίωση των σχέσεων ΗΠΑ-Ινδίας, και η χειροτέρευση των σχέσεων ΗΠΑ-Πακιστάν, θα οδηγήσει ενδεχομένως το Πακιστάν στην υποστήριξη τρομοκρατικών επιθέσεων εναντίον των ΗΠΑ. Το Πακιστάν έχει έτσι κι αλλιώς μεγάλη επιρροή σε κάποιες συμμορίες της Αλ Κάιντα, και οι Αμερικανοί το έχουν ήδη κατηγορήσει ότι υποστήριξε τρομοκρατικές επιθέσεις εναντίον τους. Βλέπε “ΗΠΑ VS Πακιστάν”.

Αρχικά νόμιζα ότι οι Ιρανοί πανηγύρισαν την ανατροπή του Καντάφι μόνο και μόνο για να αποκτήσουν μία καλή εικόνα στην μετά Καντάφι Λιβύη. Βλέπε “Iran welcomes Muammar Gaddafi's death”, Οκτώβριος 2011.

Αλλά τα πράγματα δεν ήταν έτσι. Το Ιράν, έστω και έμμεσα μέσω των στενότερων του συμμάχων, του Σουδάν και της Χεζμπολάχ, έπαιξε σημαντικό ρόλο στην ανατροπή του Καντάφι. Το μόνο πρόβλημα που είχε το Ιράν σχετικά με την ανατροπή του Καντάφι, ήταν μην τυχόν και λόγω του πρωταγωνιστικού ρόλου της Γαλλίας στον αέρα, πάρουν την εξουσία στην Λιβύη δυνάμεις που θα είχαν καλές σχέσεις με τους Σαουδάραβες και τους Γάλλους, και τα πράγματα στην Λιβύη γίνουν ακόμη χειρότερα για τους Ιρανούς και τους συμμάχους τους.

Αντίστοιχα, ο βασικός λόγος που πιστεύω ότι παρασύρθηκε ο Νικολά Σαρκοζί, και δεν έβαλε τα δυνατά του για να παραμείνει ο Καντάφι στην εξουσία, ήταν ότι φοβήθηκε μην πάρουν τον έλεγχο της Λιβύης το Ιράν και η Τουρκία, και δημιουργήσουν στην Βόρεια Αφρική μία κόλαση για την Γαλλία. Ο Σαρκοζί την είχε ήδη πατήσει στην Αραβική Άνοιξη της Τυνησίας και της Αιγύπτου, όπου στήριξε τους συμμάχους της Γαλλίας και της Σαουδικής Αραβίας, τον Μπεν Άλι στην Τυνησία και τον Μουμπάρακ στην Αίγυπτο, οι οποίοι τελικά ανατράπηκαν από τους Ισλαμιστές και αναγκάστηκαν να διαφύγουν στην Σαουδική Αραβία για να σωθούν.

Δυστυχώς στην Αίγυπτο σημαντικό ρόλο έπαιξε και ο αριστερός μαύρος Μουσουλμάνος Πρόεδρος των ΗΠΑ Μπαρκάκ Ομπάμα, ο οποίος έχει δείξει μία σχετική ανοχή στην Μουσουλμανική Αδελφότητα, και δεν έσπευσε να στηρίξει τον σοσιαλιστή δικτάτορα Μουμπάρακ, έναν παραδοσιακό σύμμαχο των ΗΠΑ και της Γαλλίας, αλλά και της Σαουδικής Αραβίας, ο οποίος δεν είχε επίσης ποτέ δημιουργήσει το παραμικρό πρόβλημα στο Ισραήλ, τον άλλο σύμμαχο των ΗΠΑ.

Η μη στήριξη του Ομπάμα στον Μουμπάρακ δηλητηρίασε τις σχέσεις του Ομπάμα με τον Σαουδάραβα Βασιλιά και τον Ισραηλινό Πρωθυπουργό Νετανιάχου, αφού την θέση του Μουμπάρακ πήρε ο Μόρσι της Μουσουλμανικής Αδελφότητας, ένα πνευματικό παιδί των Τούρκων και των Ιρανών Ισλαμιστών. Ο Μόρσι υποδέχτηκε σαν αυτοκράτορα τον Ερντογάν στην Αίγυπτο, και επί της προεδρίας του επισκέφτηκε την Αίγυπτο ο Πρόεδρος του Ιράν για πρώτη φορά μετά την άνοδο των Ισλαμιστών στην εξουσία του Ιράν το 1979. Βλέπε BBC “Iran President Ahmadinejad begins historic Egypt visit”, Φεβρουάριος 2013.

Ο Μόσρι έμεινε έναν χρόνο στην εξουσία, αφού τον ανέτρεψαν με πραξικόπημα οι Αιγύπτιοι σοσιαλιστές με την υποστήριξη της Σαουδικής Αραβίας και των Ηνωμένων Αραβικών Εμιράτων, , κάτι που δημιούργησε ακόμη μεγαλύτερα προβλήματα στις σχέσεις Τουρκίας-Σαουδικής Αραβίας. Το παραμύθι που χρησιμοποιούσαν οι Κομμουνιστές και οι Ισλαμιστές για να υποστηρίξουν τους Ισλαμιστές της Αιγύπτου ήταν ότι πήραν την εξουσία με εκλογές.

Και πράγματι με εκλογές πήραν την εξουσία, υποσχόμενοι τα πάντα στους πάντες (λεφτά υπάρχουν), χρηματοδοτώντας την προπαγάνδα τους με χρήματα της Τουρκίας, του Ιράν, του Κατάρ και του Σουδάν, και με απεριόριστη προβολή από το κρατικό Καταριανό δίκτυο Al Jazeera. Μόλις όμως πήραν την εξουσία έδειξαν το πραγματικό τους πρόσωπο, και ο Μόρσι έδωσε στον εαυτό του εξουσίες αυτοκράτορα.

Την υποστήριξη της Γαλλίας στους σοσιαλιστές δικτάτορες της Τυνησίας και της Αιγύπτου εκμεταλλεύτηκαν επικοινωνιακά οι Ισλαμιστές για να δυσφημίσουν την Γαλλία στον Μουσουλμανικό κόσμο. Έχω πει στο παρελθόν, παρασυρμένος από την κομμουνιστική και την ναζιστική προπαγάνδα, ότι οι Γάλλοι ζήτησαν την επέμβαση στην Λιβύη για να πάρουν περισσότερα συμβόλαια από τους Ιταλούς στην αγορά πετρελαίου της Λιβύης, όπου παραδοσιακά κυριαρχεί η Ιταλία. Εκείνη την εποχή ο Μπερλσουσκόνι και ο Καντάφι είχαν εξαιρετικές σχέσεις.

Παρόλο που είναι αλήθεια ότι η Ιταλία είναι πολύ δεμένη οικονομικά με την Λιβύη, και η Γαλλία με την Αλγερία, και σίγουρα υπάρχει κάποιος συναγωνισμός ανάμεσα τους, αυτό που είπα δεν ισχύει. Αλλά είναι τόσο πολύ έντονη και τόσο καλά χρηματοδοτούμενη η παρουσία της σοσιαλιστικής προπαγάνδας στα μίντια, που είναι αδύνατον να μην τσιμπήσεις, ακόμη και αν δεν είσαι σανοφάγος.

Ο βασικός λόγος που ο Σαρκοζί υποστήριξε τους εξεγερμένους στην Λιβύη ήταν ότι οι Γάλλοι την είχαν πατήσει άσχημα στην Τυνησία και την Αίγυπτο, όπου ανατράπηκαν οι σύμμαχοι τους, και φοβήθηκαν μήπως πάρουν στην Λιβύη τον έλεγχο οι Ιρανοί και οι Τούρκοι, και έσπευσαν να βοηθήσουν για να εξασφαλίσουν υποστήριξη στην μετά-Καντάφι Λιβύη. Ένα τεράστιο λάθος του Νικολά Σαρκοζί. Ο Σαρκοζί θα έπρεπε να προσφέρει στον Καντάφι όση υποστήριξη χρειαζόταν, και να υποστεί τον μεγάλο επικοινωνιακό πόλεμο που θα του έκαναν οι Ισλαμιστές του Μουσουλμανικού κόσμου και οι κομμουνιστές στην Ευρώπη και τις ΗΠΑ.

Ο συναγωνισμός για τον έλεγχο της Λιβύης φάνηκε και μετά την ανατροπή του Καντάφι, αφού οι Τούρκοι, οι Καταριανοί και οι Ιρανοί στήριξαν τους Ισλαμιστές που έκαναν κυβέρνηση στην Δυτική Λιβύη (Τρίπολη), ενώ οι Αιγύπτιοι, με τους σοσιαλιστές ξανά στην εξουσία της Αιγύπτου, μαζί με τους Σαουδάραβες, τα Ηνωμένα Αραβικά Εμιράτα και τους Δυτικούς, στήριξαν τους σοσιαλιστές που έκαναν κυβέρνηση στην Ανατολική Λιβύη (Τομπρούκ).

Τα παραπάνω εξηγούν και την διστακτικότητα των Σαουδαράβων στην Λιβύη. Οι Σαουδάραβες, παρόλο που είναι βέβαιο ότι έτρωγαν ποπ κόρν και έπιναν μπύρες απολαμβάνοντας τα μαγνητοσκοπημένα βασανιστήρια των Ισλαμιστών ανταρτών στον Καντάφι και τους γιους του, ανησυχούσαν ότι δεν θα καταφέρουν στο έδαφος να τα βγάλουν πέρα με τους αντάρτες που θα υποστηρίζονταν από το Ιράν, την Τουρκία και το Σουδάν. Αυτός είναι ο λόγος που οι Σαουδάραβες υποδέχτηκαν την Αραβική Άνοιξη στην Λιβύη με τόσο μεγάλη παγωμάρα, παρόλο που μισούσαν τον Καντάφι θανάσιμα. Αν οι Σαουδάραβες πίστευαν ότι θα  μπορούσε να υπάρξει μία φιλο-Σαουδαραβική κυβέρνηση στην μετά Καντάφι Λιβύη, θα είχαν ορμήσει πρώτοι απ’όλους στον Καντάφι, και θα τον είχαν χτυπήσει με ότι είχαν και δεν είχαν.

Γι’αυτό και το παρακάτω άρθρο των International Business Times, γραμμένο την εποχή της Αραβικής Άνοιξης στην Λιβύη, σημειώνει ότι φαίνεται να υπάρχει ένα παράδοξο στην Λιβύη. Αυτό το παράδοξο είναι ότι φαίνεται οι αντάρτες στην Λιβύη να υποστηρίζονται περισσότερο από τους Ιρανούς παρά από τους Σαουδάραβες, παρά την παραδοσιακή συμμαχία του Ιράν με τον Καντάφι, και παρά το μίσος που υπήρχε ανάμεσα στον Καντάφι και τον Σαουδάραβα Βασιλιά. Βλέπε “Are Libyan rebels backed by Saudi Arabia or Iran”?, Ιούνιος 2011

Άρθρα

“Pakistan-Iran Border Stress”, Νοέμβριος 2014
4η Παράγραφος
In the wake of the A. Q. Khan revelations, Iran decided to seek nuclear technology from other sources, and Pakistan’s nuclear expertise lost its significance. Meanwhile, India began to develop closer relations with Iran. This led to a further cooling of ties between Iran and Pakistan.


“How the Arab Spring Skirted Oman”, Δεκέμβριος 2011
3η, 4η Παράγραφος
Some analysts, however, quickly attributed the unrest in Sohar to the neighboring United Arab Emirates (UAE). By playing up economic differences between wealthier tribe members residing on the UAE side of the border, in stark contrast to their poorer Omani “cousins,” analysts argued that Abu Dhabi sought to send an unmistakable message to Muscat about its “friendly” relations with Tehran.
Since assuming power, the Sultan has played a delicate balancing game between his strategic alliance with Iran while aligning himself with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), which comprises Bahrain, Oman, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Oman is the only GCC country to carry out joint military exercises with Iran. Nonetheless, as a staunch American ally, former U.S. Vice President Dick Chaney visited the Sultanate three times during his years in office.
7η Παράγραφος
The historical mistrust between Qaboos and the UAE in particular stems from when the GCC failed to support the Sultan in his uprising against his father. While the Shah of Iran and King Hussain of Jordan were the only regional leaders to support the young British-educated prince in his quest for the throne, Qaboos apparently never forgot - and since formed a strategic alliance with Tehran. At the same time, as part of an effort to balance his relationship with Iran, the Sultan formed strong military ties with the United States and with Britain in particular. Oman also maintains diplomatic relations with Israel by chairing the Middle East Desalination Research Center (MEDRC), a Muscat-based research center dedicated to share expertise on desalination technologies and clean fresh water supply with the people from the MENA region. MEDRC also facilitates multilateral track diplomacy between Israel and the GCC, under the auspicious of the highest levels of the Omani government. 

“Are Libyan rebels backed by Saudi Arabia or Iran”?, Ιούνιος 2011
The National Transitional Council in Libya is slowly trying to establish itself as the legitimate successor to Gaddafi. The West has helped the rebel movement by widely promoting it and calling for countries throughout the world to officially back the new regime. However while the U.S , the U.K, France, Italy, Portugal, Spain and Canada have officially recognised the political organisation as the new legitimate representative body of the Libyan people, countries in Africa and in the Middle East have been so far less inclined to do so.
While the Arab league officially supports the Nato-led operation in Libya, only Qatar and Kuwait have formally recognized the council, a move followed by only two African countries, which are Senegal and The Gambia. Given the fact that Gaddafi was highly criticised by numerous Arab states and has been increasingly ostracised in the last few years (thanks to his own actions), it seems surprising that countries such as Saudi Arabia have not taken a much stronger stand in support of the Libyan rebels. Looking at the reactions emanating from the Middle East it seems that the Libyan conflict has put more than one country in an awkward position.
Its no understantement to say that there never was any love lost between Gaddafi and King Abdullah of Saudi. For years the two have been locked in an incessant circle of accusations and public spats.
Indeed, over the years, Libya has been accused of subversion by several Arab countries, including Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, Morocco, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia. For example, Libyan agents reportedly planned on several occasions to disrupt the pilgrimage to Mecca in Saudi Arabia. In addition, for many years Libya supported the mostly Christian rebels in southern Sudan, against the central government in Khartoum. Libya was considered to be so unfriendly and untrustworthy, as Gaddafi was known to change alliances rather quickly, that when the United States bombed its cities in April 1986, only a few countries condemned the action strongly.
Also, in 2003, Saudi Arabia claimed they had unveiled a Libyan plot aiming at the assassination of the then Crown Prince Abdullah. The men arrested included, according to Saudi investigative documents, eight Saudis and five Libyans, four of whom were Libyan intelligence agents
The Libyans were caught delivering more than $1 million in cash at a hotel in Mecca to Saudi dissidents hired to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah. The Libyan agents had allegedly recruited the Saudis to launch grenades and other explosives into Abdullah's apartment in Mecca, the documents show.
At the time, Saudi, U.S. and British officials maintained they had traced the origins of the plot to a public exchange of insults between Abdullah and Col. Moammar Gaddafi, Libya's long time ruler, at an Arab League summit in March 2003.
During the summit, held shortly before the start of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, Gaddafi accused the Saudi prince of "making a pact with the devil" by supporting U.S. military forces in the region. Abdullah, who has long had a testy relationship with the Libyan leader, responded: "Your lies precede you and your grave is in front of you."
Of course the Libyan authorities denied any involvement in the plot, but the relationship between the two leaders did not ease as in 2009 Gaddafi famously told King Abdullah: "You are propelled by fibs towards the grave and you were made by Britain and protected by the US."
When the uprising started in Libya many expected the Saudi King to seize the occasion and support the rebel movement to punish Gaddafi. Obama was quick to ask for the support of Saudi Arabia in arming the rebels. However so almost nothing has been heard on the subject from Saudi Arabia.
The Saudi regime has gone quiet and has stood clear of the rebels. Four weeks ago it even prevented the new Libyan leaders from reaching Qatar, where they had meetings planned, by forbidding them to cross their airspace. When asked about the reasons behind their decision, the authorities refused to comment.
Unfortunately it seems that the U.S. demand came at a time where the regime was itself trying to suppress a nascent protest movement in Saudi, as they banned all street protests to try and supress the uprising. The Saudi monarchy knows that its position is fragile as in the region people see its demise as just a question of time. Moreover, the U.S. involvement in getting European countries and Nato involved in the conflict bared an uncomfortable truth to Saudi King Abdullah and many of his counter-part in the region: Washington will help to push you out of power if it finds it politically advantageous.
As much as siding with the rebels to get to Gaddafi might sound attractive, Saudi it seems has for now decided to follow the lead of most Arab countries, that is not breaking with their tradition of doing absolutely nothing when controversial conflicts arise.
Saudi Arabia is not the only country that the Libyan conflict has put in an awkward position. Tehran has tried to balance support for the Libyan opposition, which it views as part of a region-wide "Islamic awakening," with rejection of the Nato-led military strikes.
Keeping in with their anti-Western outlook, Iranian officials still insist that the U.N.-endorsed military intervention on humanitarian grounds is hypocritical and part of a secret Western agenda. Tehran has made no secret of the fact that it opposes any military intervention in the Middle East, even if in Iran's interest, and had also opposed the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq, despite the fact Saddam Hussein was Iran's main adversary in the region.
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad confirmed Iran's anti-intervention attitude and said: "The intervention of some European countries and America in the regional nations increases concern and makes circumstances more complicated."
"The double standard action of the Western countries in Bahrain and Libya and their silence towards the atrocities of the Zionist regime against the innocent Palestinians shows their contradictory performance in the world."
However its seems that the person who illustrates the best Iran's dichotomist position is the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who explained, "Iran utterly condemns the behaviour of the Libyan government against its people, the killings and pressure on people, and the bombing of its cities... but it (also) condemns the military action in Libya."
Additionally to their similar awkward reaction to the Libyan conflict, it is important to point out that the two countries are also both oil exporters. Could they see the Libyan Transitional Council as a potential business competitor, and is the Council already warning them that a new player is in the game by attempting to seek diplomatic ties with Israel, who currently have to look very far afield for their oil, a move that is set to particularly upset Iran?

Libya, Chad and Sudan – An Ambiguous Triangle”?

Hizbullah’s part in Gaddafi’s downfall”, Οκτώβριος 2011

“Hezbollah slams crimes committed by Gaddafi regime”, Φεβρουάριος 2011
“Sarkozy Meets Gadhafi: France to Build Nuclear Reactor in Libya”, Ιούλιος 2007
1η Παράγραφος
Now that the Bulgarian nurses have been released, the rush to do business with Libya has begun. French President Nicolas Sarkozy was first off the mark, flying to Tripoli to meet with Moammar Gadhafi and sign a number of agreements -- including a deal on building a French nuclear reactor in Libya.

“Darfur rebel leader Khalil Ibrahim flees Libya”, Σεπτέμβριος 2011
1η, 2η, 3η, 4η Παράγραφος
The leader of Darfur's main Justice and Equality Movement (Jem) rebel group, Khalil Ibrahim, has returned from exile in Libya.
Mr Ibrahim fled Libya after Col Muammar Gaddafi's government - which gave him refuge last year - was ousted.
Sudan had accused Mr Ibrahim's forces of fighting for Col Gaddafi in his attempt to hold on to power.
Mr Ibrahim said he had evaded attempts by Sudanese intelligence to capture him in Libya, reports say.

Iran welcomes Muammar Gaddafi's death”, Οκτώβριος 2011

Iran President Ahmadinejad begins historic Egypt visit”, Φεβρουάριος 2013

“Η Συνεργασία Τζορτζ Μπους-Καντάφι”

“Η Γεωπολιτική της Συμμαχίας του Καντάφι με το Ιράν”

“Gaddafi's Mercenaries in Libya”, Μάρτιος 2011

Hizbullah’s part in Gaddafi’s downfall”, Οκτώβριος 2011
1η, 2η, 3η, 4η, 5η, 6η, 7η Παράγραφος
Libyans celebrated their liberation with mass demonstrations in Benghazi yesterday, the 28th anniversary of another landmark event in Middle East history. On Sunday, 23 October 1983, at 6.22 a.m., a suicide bomber rammed a truck into the US Marine Corps barracks at Beirut Airport and detonated what FBI forensics specialists would later describe as the largest conventional explosion in history. Two hundred and forty-one American service personnel died. A similar assault in Beirut that morning killed 58 French troops. The perpetrators were undoubtedly members of the nascent Hizbullah movement.
The operatives who celebrated the attack on US and French forces that led to their departure from Lebanon a few months later are probably congratulating themselves on Muammar Gaddafi’s demise more than the gloating leaders in Paris and Washington. Gaddafi, who at one time or another alienated and befriended British, French, American and Arab leaders, never made headway with Hizbullah. The roots of their animosity were, as with most profound hatreds, personal. In August 1978, Gaddafi welcomed the leader of Lebanese Shiism, Imam Musa Sadr, and two colleagues on an official visit to Tripoli. Sadr was a force for reconciliation in Lebanon and had even gone on hunger strike to end the fighting. His allies were Christian and Muslim at a time when Gaddafi supported the Lebanese Muslim-Leftist-Palestinian alliance. Sadr disappeared shortly after seeing Gaddafi. Libyan officials insisted he had flown from Tripoli to Rome, but there was no record of his arrival in Italy. The question of what happened to him has since dominated relations between Lebanon’s Shia community and Libya. Hizbullah was one of the few movements resisting the Israeli occupation of south Lebanon that refused Gaddafi’s funding.
There have been countless rumours about Sadr’s fate. None has been confirmed. Last year, his son Sadreddine told the National News Agency in Beirut that his father and his two companions were alive in a Libyan prison. ‘We say it out loud,’ the Hizbullah leader, Hassan Nasrallah, said soon afterwards. ‘Imam Sadr and his two companions are being held in Libya and they should be released.’ Sadreddine Sadr did not reveal his sources, but early in this year’s revolt a Libyan opposition figure said that Sadr remained in Libyan custody. The prisons opened by the Transitional National Council have so far not produced the missing imam, who would now be 83.
Hizbullah’s opposition to Gaddafi set it at odds with its backers in Damascus, whose Baathist regime fostered friendly relations with the Libyan leader. It also put Hizbullah, for the past few months, in alliance with Nato. A Hizbullah decision made Lebanon the sponsor of the ‘no fly zone’ resolution at the United Nations on 15 March. Without that resolution, the Libyan uprising would not have succeeded. Gaddafi fell because he had antagonised his own people by killing, torturing or detaining so many of them, but his decision to make a Lebanese cleric disappear also played a part.
Hizbullah maintained its opposition to Gaddafi while the US, France and Britain welcomed him into the community of nations, bought his oil and supplied his armoury. The one consistent thread to western policy in Libya has nothing to do with who is in power, nods to democracy or missing imams. The country’s oil, with its low sulphur content and proximity to Europe, is among the most desirable in OPEC. Gaddafi was a 28-year-old captain (his co-conspirators later promoted him to colonel) in Libya’s 8000-man army when he seized power in September 1969 in a bloodless coup. In a memo sent to Henry Kissinger on 20 November 1969, National Security Council staff wrote:
Our present strategy is to seek to establish satisfactory relations with the new regime. The return to our balance of payments and the security of US investments in oil are considered our primary interests. We seek to retain our military facilities, but not at the expense of threatening our economic return.
The US alerted Gaddafi to a coup attempt, which the new leader thwarted. His gratitude was short-lived, as he forced both the US and UK to abandon their bases in the country and raised Libya’s share of its oil income, which enabled both the building of the infrastructure that today’s rebels are inheriting and the corruption of the dynastic state that Gaddafi imposed. When Tony Blair brought Gaddafi in from the cold after Lockerbie, the US rendered suspects to Libya for special treatment by experienced torturers. No one, except perhaps Hizbullah, comes out of this sordid saga well.

“Το Λαθρεμπόριο των Πυρηνικών Όπλων”.

“Why Washington is Reluctant To Arm Libya's Eastern Rebels”, Μάρτιος 2011
1η Παράγραφος
NATO Supreme Allied Commander in Europe U.S. Adm. James Stavridis answered questions on the Libyan intervention before the U.S. Senate Armed Services Committee on Tuesday, echoing the refrain voiced in Western capitals of knowing little about the exact nature of the eastern opposition. Though Stavridis labeled the rebel leadership as "responsible men and women" fighting Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi, he added that there have been "flickers" of intelligence indicating that elements of al Qaeda and Hezbollah exist among the eastern opposition's ranks. The question of arming the eastern rebels now, when U.S. military officials have gone on record before Congress with such suspicions of Hezbollah and al Qaeda links, seems politically unpalatable to say the least. Indeed, Stavridis' testimony came on the same day that U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and U.S. President Barack Obama demurred on the notion that Washington is on the verge of sending weapons to Benghazi.
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For the United States, this is a reflection of what Secretary of Defense Robert Gates was saying over the weekend as he made the rounds on the Sunday talk show circuit. Intervening in Libya is not part of the Americans' "vital national interests." It may be in their interests to remove Gadhafi and have the Europeans demonstrate that they are capable of taking a greater role in joint military operations, but it is not absolutely critical. Washington has a history of arming rebel groups first, and asking questions later. The fact that it has allowed a lack of familiarity with whom, exactly, the NTC represents indicates that Libya, while certainly a high priority, is not on par with other recent crises that have spurred Washington into immediate action. Indeed, the United States was not an early proponent of the no-fly zone, and only came around after repeated insistences by the France and the United Kingdom (who have motivations of their own) gave it an opportunity to put the Obama doctrine of multilateralism and limited U.S. involvement on display.

“Why Does Turkey Love Omar al-Bashir?”, Μάρτιος 2009
The International Criminal Court (ICC) has issued a warrant for the arrest of Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir. The ICC accused al-Bashir of being directly responsible for the attacks by pro-government militia in Sudan's Darfur province.
Turkey hosted al-Bashir twice last year and his deputy Ali Osman Taha recently visited Ankara to seek support for the president. The arrest warrant puts Turkey in an uncomfortable position, because as a nonpermanent member of the UN Security Council, Turkey has the power to suspend the ICC's arrest warrant.
In case the Security Council decides to debate the al-Bashir case, Turkey's vote will be critical. It seems that Turkey would want to support the view of the Arab League and African Union, which are calling on the Security Council to suspend the warrant (see EDM, February 24). Moreover, Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, the Turkish secretary general of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, stated at a press conference in Cairo that the ICC's arrest warrant showed a double standard and asked why the ICC had not investigated the Israeli incursion into Gaza (Zaman, March 6).
Turkish Foreign Minister Ali Babacan said, "We will see what consequences the warrant will have, but to be honest, we have concerns. ...We believe the problems [in Sudan] cannot be resolved by excluding the Sudanese administration. On the contrary, the problems will grow" (Hurriyet Daily News, March 6). The Turkish press reported that Ankara would not only vote for al-Bashir if the case were brought before the Security Council but would take an active role in convincing the other members of the Security Council to suspend the arrest warrants (Aksam, March 6).
Ankara's support for al-Bashir has prompted a debate over whether Turkey should support the Sudanese president. Liberals who often support the Erdogan government are strongly opposed to the decision to back al-Bashir. The influential liberal columnist Hasan Cemal of Milliyet, for example, asked whether Erdogan would criticize al-Bashir the way he criticized Israeli President Shimon Peres about Gaza (Milliyet, March 6). The liberal daily Taraf ran the headline "Ankara Defends the Killer" (Taraf, March 6), and Yasemin Congar wrote an editorial accusing Ankara of supporting a "rapist" regime (Taraf, March 6).
On the other hand, Islamists disagree with the ICC's decision, which has opened up a new discussion in the Muslim world about how "hypocritical" the western institutions are. The basic premisef is that the ICC has not done anything about the crimes committed in Iraq and Gaza, for example, but has targeted Sudan for political reasons (Zaman, March 6).
Yet, neither the liberal intellectuals nor the Islamists have asked why the AKP government, the Turkish Foreign Ministry, and perhaps also the military would want to support al-Bashir. Perhaps the AKP elites' knowledge about Sudan is limited to the ideology of Hassan Al-Turabi, whose ideas were once widely circulated among Islamist groups in Turkey.
It seems that Turkey does not want al-Bashir to leave his post, because Ankara hopes to keep Sudan a unified country. More importantly, the al-Bashir government supports Turkey's dispute with Cyprus. In addition, al-Bashir's government wants to see the Turkish military deployed in Darfur to control the territory (Aksiyon, January 1, 2008).
Knowing that Ankara's main foreign policy objective in the region is to support the integrity of existing countries, one could expect Ankara to support al-Bashir for the sake of Sudanese unity. Even more, Ankara may hope to benefit from Sudan's recently discovered oil fields. These two possible motives have not been widely discussed in the media, perhaps because of a lack of knowledge about the region and perhaps even because Turkish diplomats are unsure about al-Bashir's future. Ankara's wholehearted support of al-Bashir would seem to indicate that Turkey considers Sudan to be an important country in its Africa strategy in the near future.

Turkey's Erdogan wins Gaddafi prize for human rights”, Νοέμβριος 2010
The Muammar Gaddafi Prize for Human Rights will be given to Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan during his visit to Libya next week. Erdogan will visit the country to attend a conference of African countries and the European Union.
The prize, founded by the Libyan leader, was awarded in the past to former South African President Nelson Mandela, Cuban leader Fidel Castro and Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez. (AFP)


Chad’s relations with Libya, Sudan, France and the US”, Απρίλιος 2011
1η Παράγραφος
President Idriss Déby seized power in Chad in December 1990 following a military coup for which he received extensive support from Libya, Sudan and France. Since then, his relations with those countries have changed dramatically. US relations with Chad have been significantly influenced by two events: the launching of the “war on terror” in 2001 and US oil imports from Chad which began in 2003. This report examines Chad’s relations with these four countries which are key to its economic and political development.

 “US support for Chad may destabilize the Sahel”, Μάρτιος 2015

“Are Libyan rebels backed by Saudi Arabia or Iran”, Ιούνιο 2011
1η  , 2η Παράγραφος
The National Transitional Council in Libya is slowly trying to establish itself as the legitimate successor to Gaddafi. The West has helped the rebel movement by widely promoting it and calling for countries throughout the world to officially back the new regime. However while the U.S , the U.K, France, Italy, Portugal, Spain and Canada have officially recognised the political organisation as the new legitimate representative body of the Libyan people, countries in Africa and in the Middle East have been so far less inclined to do so.
While the Arab league officially supports the Nato-led operation in Libya, only Qatar and Kuwait have formally recognized the council, a move followed by only two African countries, which are Senegal and The Gambia. Given the fact that Gaddafi was highly criticised by numerous Arab states and has been increasingly ostracised in the last few years (thanks to his own actions), it seems surprising that countries such as Saudi Arabia have not taken a much stronger stand in support of the Libyan rebels. Looking at the reactions emanating from the Middle East it seems that the Libyan conflict has put more than one country in an awkward position.
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Indeed, over the years, Libya has been accused of subversion by several Arab countries, including Egypt, Sudan, Tunisia, Morocco, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia. For example, Libyan agents reportedly planned on several occasions to disrupt the pilgrimage to Mecca in Saudi Arabia. In addition, for many years Libya supported the mostly Christian rebels in southern Sudan, against the central government in Khartoum. Libya was considered to be so unfriendly and untrustworthy, as Gaddafi was known to change alliances rather quickly, that when the United States bombed its cities in April 1986, only a few countries condemned the action strongly.
Also, in 2003, Saudi Arabia claimed they had unveiled a Libyan plot aiming at the assassination of the then Crown Prince Abdullah. The men arrested included, according to Saudi investigative documents, eight Saudis and five Libyans, four of whom were Libyan intelligence agents.
The Libyans were caught delivering more than $1 million in cash at a hotel in Mecca to Saudi dissidents hired to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah. The Libyan agents had allegedly recruited the Saudis to launch grenades and other explosives into Abdullah's apartment in Mecca, the documents show.
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During the summit, held shortly before the start of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, Gaddafi accused the Saudi prince of "making a pact with the devil" by supporting U.S. military forces in the region. Abdullah, who has long had a testy relationship with the Libyan leader, responded: "Your lies precede you and your grave is in front of you."
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When the uprising started in Libya many expected the Saudi King to seize the occasion and support the rebel movement to punish Gaddafi. Obama was quick to ask for the support of Saudi Arabia in arming the rebels. However so almost nothing has been heard on the subject from Saudi Arabia.
The Saudi regime has gone quiet and has stood clear of the rebels. Four weeks ago it even prevented the new Libyan leaders from reaching Qatar, where they had meetings planned, by forbidding them to cross their airspace. When asked about the reasons behind their decision, the authorities refused to comment.
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As much as siding with the rebels to get to Gaddafi might sound attractive, Saudi it seems has for now decided to follow the lead of most Arab countries, that is not breaking with their tradition of doing absolutely nothing when controversial conflicts arise.
Saudi Arabia is not the only country that the Libyan conflict has put in an awkward position. Tehran has tried to balance support for the Libyan opposition, which it views as part of a region-wide "Islamic awakening," with rejection of the Nato-led military strikes.
Keeping in with their anti-Western outlook, Iranian officials still insist that the U.N.-endorsed military intervention on humanitarian grounds is hypocritical and part of a secret Western agenda. Tehran has made no secret of the fact that it opposes any military intervention in the Middle East, even if in Iran's interest, and had also opposed the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq, despite the fact Saddam Hussein was Iran's main adversary in the region.
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However its seems that the person who illustrates the best Iran's dichotomist position is the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who explained, "Iran utterly condemns the behaviour of the Libyan government against its people, the killings and pressure on people, and the bombing of its cities... but it (also) condemns the military action in Libya."

Libya regains Arab League seat”, Αύγουστος 2011
1η Παράγραφος
The Arab League has readmitted Libya to the regional bloc, turning over the country's seat to the National Transitional Council (NTC) and effectively recognising the rebel body as the legitimate authority in Libya.
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The 22-member organisation suspended Libya's membership in February in a protest against Muammar Gaddafi's crackdown on demonstrators.

France's Military Is All Over Africa”, Ιανουάριος 2015
17η, 18η Παράγραφος
However, French troops never fully left Chad. Instead, the French established a base at N'Djamena, Chad's capital. A contingent of approximately 800 French soldiers remained at the base and helped provide Chadian authorities with aerial surveillance on the advance of Sudanese government-supported rebels, acting as a crucial force multiplier for Chadian dictator Idris Deby during battles in the capital in 2006 and 2008. 
As part of a global mission to tackle militancy across Africa, France launched Operation Barkhane in 2014 as a continuation of Operation Epervier and Operation Servel. Operation Barkhane will be headquarted at N'Djamena and 1,200 troops will be stationed in Chad

“Sudanese President Bashir's visit to Turkey in limbo”, Αύγουστος 2011
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The statement came hours after Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan defended al-Bashir’s visit by saying, “A Muslim can never commit genocide.”
 “Those world leaders who criticize us, have they ever visited Darfur? Their information is solely based on what the rapporteurs are reporting. These kinds of moves will not contribute to world peace,” Erdoğan said Sunday in an address to party members.
 “It’s not possible for a Muslim to commit genocide,” he said. “That’s why we are comfortable [with the visit of al-Bashir].”
The International Criminal Court, or ICC, has issued an arrest warrant for al-Bashir, citing his alleged role in the atrocities perpetrated in the Darfur region of Sudan, which claimed the lives of more than 300,000 people. Turkey is among the few countries to have not yet ratified the Rome Statute, which requires compliance with ICC rulings.
The European Union asked Turkey on Friday to align its policy on the al-Bashir issue with that of Brussels and indirectly demanded the cancellation of the visit for the sake of the ongoing membership talks. In the meantime, international human rights organizations urged Turkey to arrest al-Bashir if he arrives in Istanbul.

“Erdogan's blind faith in Muslims”, Νοέμβριος 2009
Despite glaring evidence to the contrary, the Turkish prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, believes "it is not possible for those who belong to the Muslim faith to carry out genocide". Accordingly, he refuses to accept that Sudanese paramilitaries committed genocidal acts against the population of Darfur, or that Sudan's president, Omar al-Bashir, is guilty of the crimes for which he has been indicted by the International Criminal Court.
Furthermore, says Erdogan, Israeli "war crimes" in Gaza are worse than anything that has taken place in Sudan, a comment guaranteed to further strain the already fragile relationship between Jerusalem and Ankara – and rightly so, on Israel's part. Whatever one's take on Israel's actions during Operation Cast Lead and the general siege on the Gaza Strip, to make such absurd comparisons is both futile and false, and has no place being uttered by a statesman who sees himself as a suitable mediator between Israel and the Palestinians.
4η Παράγραφος
In isolation, Erdogan's support of Bashir appears built on shaky foundations, and as such is a pretty heinous crime in itself, by virtue of attempting to gloss over some of the worst massacres committed in recent history. However, even more egregious are the racist undertones of his message: while it is entirely legitimate to upbraid Israel, as with any other state, for misdeeds carried out by the state's rulers, such censure ought never be turned into an all-out attack on one religion's values against another's.

“Erdogan says favors Bashir over Netanyahu”,
Αύγουστος 2009

“Sudanese army: Rebel leader Ibrahim killed”, Δεκέμβριος 2011
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A major Darfur rebel leader and some of his top commanders have been killed, a Sudanese army spokesman announced on state-run radio Sunday.
"Our armed forces were able to destroy the renegade Khalil Ibrahim, who died along with members of (his group's) leadership that was with him," said Alswarmi Khalid, the army's spokesperson.
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Ibrahim was the leader of the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), considered the most powerful Darfur rebel group. The JEM had refused to join the Doha Darfur peace document, signed between the Sudanese government and another rebel group, the Liberation and Justice Movement, this year.

Libya's Gaddafi says will rein in Sudanese rebel”, Ιούλιος 2010
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Libya has told a Sudanese rebel leader staying on its territory he must do nothing to jeopardise peace talks in Sudan, Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi says in an interview to be broadcast later on Monday.
Gaddafi has come under pressure from Sudan's government to expel Khalil Ibrahim, leader of the Darfur region's rebel Justice and Equality Movement, given refuge in Libya in May.
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Sudan has called on Libya to expel Ibrahim, and it said last month it was closing its borders with Libya, citing a need to protect people from attacks by Darfur insurgents.
Ibrahim was given refuge in Libya after Chad, which had previously allowed the rebel movement to use its territory as a base, changed its policy and refused him entry as he returned from a trip to Libya.
The dispute between Sudan and Libya could cast a shadow over the meeting of African Union heads of state, which takes place in the Ugandan capital later this month. (Additional reporting by John Irish in Paris; Writing by Christian Lowe)

“Operation Barkhane”
Operation Barkhane is an ongoing anti-insurgent operation in Africa's Sahel region, which commenced 1 August 2014.[7] It consists of a 3,000-strong French force, which will be permanent and headquartered in N’Djamena, the capital of Chad.[3] The operation has been designed with five countries, and former French colonies, that span the Sahel: Burkina Faso, Chad, MaliMauritania and Niger.[3] These countries are collectively referred to as the "G5 Sahel."[8]


Syria suspended from Arab League”, Νοέμβριος 2011
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Syria has been suspended from the Arab League over its failure to end the bloodshed caused by brutal government crackdowns on pro-democracy protests in a move that will increase the international pressure on President Bashar al-Assad.
At an emergency session of its 22 member states in Cairo to discuss the crisis, the league decided to exclude Syria until it implements the terms of an earlier agreed peace deal to stop the violence.

“The Arab League suspends Libya until demands of the people are met”, Φεβρουάριος 2011

Qatar admits sending hundreds of troops to support Libya rebels”, Οκτώβριος 2011
1η, 2η, 3η Παράγραφος
Qatar has admitted for the first time that it sent hundreds of troops to support the Libyan rebels who overthrew Muammar Gaddafi's regime.
The Gulf state had previously acknowledged only that its air force took part in Nato-led attacks.
The revelation came as Qatar hosted a conference on the post-Gaddafi era that was attended by the leader of Libya's ruling National Transitional Council, Mustafa Abdel-Jalil, who described the Qataris as having planned the battles that paved the way for victory.

Libya’s Gaddafi was top supporter of Darfur rebels”, Μάρτιος 2011
2η , 3η Παράγραφος
West Darfur governor Al-Shertai Ga’far Abdel-Hakam who is also the TDRA head told a forum organized by the National Union of Sudanese youth that Gaddafi provided money and weaponry to rebels in the region as well as the East and the South.
He provided no details to back his claims. However, he is the first high ranking Sudanese official to go on the record with these allegations that his peers made privately for years

Sudan armed Libyan rebels, says President Bashir”, Οκτώβριος 2011
1η Παράγραφος
Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir says his country gave military support to the Libyan rebels who overthrew Col Muammar Gaddafi.

Iran hails death of long-time ally Qaddafi as great victory, Οκτώβριος 2011

“Israeli officials head to France in last-minute bid to block nuclear deal”, Μάρτιος 2015
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Unable to find support from its US allies, Israel is turning to France to help head off what it sees as a bad and dangerous nuclear deal with Iran.
In an interview with the Associated Press in Paris, the Israeli intelligence minister, Yuval Steinitz, said on Monday that dialogue with France over Iran’s nuclear program “has proven in the past that it was productive” and makes this week’s last-minute diplomatic mission to Paris worthwhile.

“French Minister Laurent Fabius Wary on Iran Nuclear Deal”, Ιούνιος 2015

Turkey opposes any NATO operation in Libya”, Μάρτιος 2011
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NATO member Turkey on Monday said it opposed growing international calls to impose a no-fly zone over Libya, saying such operation would be unhelpful and fraught with risk.
"Military intervention by NATO in Libya or any other country would be totally counter-productive," Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan, whose country is the only Muslim member of NATO, told an international forum in Istanbul.
Erdogan spoke as France stepped up efforts to persuade world powers to impose a no-fly zone and after the Arab League gave a regional seal of approval NATO has said is vital for any military action.
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Washington has said any decision to impose a no-fly zone is a matter for the United Nations and should not be a U.S.-led initiative.
But Erdogan said foreign interventions, especially military ones, had in the past only deepened the problems.
"We need to give the Libyan people permission to chart their own course," he said.
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Non-Arab Turkey, a rising diplomatic and economic power in the Middle East, had projects worth more than $15 billion in Libya.
Analysts said business interests, along with Erdogan's apprehension over the implications of backing a Western-led intervention in the region three months before parliamentary elections in Turkey, could be behind Ankara's opposition.
Libya was part of the Ottoman Empire from the 16th century until it was conquered by Italy in 1912.
"Erdogan is unsure about the ultimate victor of the revolt in Libya and he might be hedging his bets," Fadi Hakura, an associate fellow at the London-based Chatham House said.
Erdogan, who last year received a human rights award from Muammar Gaddafi, told Al Arabiya television in an interview broadcast on Monday he had told Gaddafi he should name a president with popular support as a way to end Libya's crisis.

“Turkish PM to receive Gadhafi human rights award”, Νοέμβριος 2010
1η, 2η Παράγραφος
Turkey’s prime minister is flying to Tripoli to attend an EU-African summit and receive a human rights award, given in the name of Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi.
Recep Tayyip Erdogan's government is planning to open several diplomatic missions across Africa to boost relations with African nations while seeking to become a member of the European Union. Turkey already has friendly ties with Libya and Sudan.

Venezuela, Nicaragua and Cuba Still Support Gaddafi”, Σεπτέμβριος 2011
1η Παράγραφος
Venezuela, Nicaragua and Cuba continue to be the staunchest supporters of the Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi. Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez and Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega have both declared that they will not abandon Gaddafi in this time of crisis. Chavez has actually stated that he will continue to recognize only his friend Gaddafi as the legitimate leader of Libya, whereas Ortega has already offered him asylum.

“Obama blasts Cameron, Sarkozy for Libya ‘mess”, Μάρτιος 2016

“Sarkozy Meets Gadhafi: France to Build Nuclear Reactor in Libya”, Ιούλιος 2007
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/sarkozy-meets-gadhafi-france-to-build-nuclear-reactor-in-libya-a-496711.html

Zimbabwe and Algeria sending troops to support Gaddafi in Libya war?”, June 2011


Iran Backs Libyan Rebels, Chastises West Over Oil, Bahrain”, Απρίλιος 2011
 Libya’s rebellion has put Iran in an awkward position. Tehran has tried to balance support for the Libyan opposition, which it views as part of a region-wide “Islamic awakening,” with rejection of the NATO-led military strikes.
        Iranian officials charged that the U.N.-endorsed military intervention on humanitarian grounds is hypocritical and part of a secret Western agenda. Tehran opposes any military intervention in the Middle East, even if in Iran’s interest, because of the precedent it sets. Iran also opposed the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq, despite the fact Saddam Hussein was Iran’s main adversary in the region.
       In his Nowrouz (New Year) speech last month, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei charged that the United States and its allies were motivated by interest in Libyan oil. Iran’s foreign ministry spokesperson said that coalition was pursuing a new form of colonialism.
       U.S. policy on Bahrain, where the ruling al Khalifa family has forcefully crushed the  predominantly Shiite protest movement, has fueled Iran’s anger. Unlike Libya, the United States has used quiet diplomacy to mediate with the Sunni monarchy. The U.S. Fifth Fleet is based in Bahrain.
       Bahrain is a country of greater strategic importance to Iran than Libya, and the plight of its largely Shiite population has been a sensitive issue inside Iran. President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad complained of a “double standard” during a telephone conversation with U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon.
       Iran and Libya have maintained diplomatic relations since the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Libya is one of the few Arab countries that supported Iran during the Iran-Iraq War (1980-88), and both have denounced Israeli actions at the United Nations. Qaddafi congratulated Ahmadinejad on his victory after the disputed 2009 presidential elections.
       Libya has not been critical in Iran’s foreign policy, although the two countries did take steps in recent years to extend bilateral ties. Iran’s foreign minister visited Tripoli in 2010 to discuss economic ties, including joint oil and gas projects.
       The one constant tension between Iran and Libya has been the mysterious disappearance of Lebanese Shiite leader Musa al Sadr, who was born in Iran. In 1978, Sadr disappeared during an official visit to Libya, which created tensions in relations between Tehran and Tripoli. Sadr’s niece is married to former Iranian President Mohammad Khatami.
       In March 2011, Sadr’s family speculated that the religious leader might still be alive and imprisoned in Libya, a claim that played a central role in Tehran’s denunciation of Qaddafi’s recent crackdown on the opposition.
Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei
       "The United States and its western (allies) claim they want to defend the people by carrying out military operations or by entering Libya... You did not come to defend the people, you've come after Libyan oil."
       "Iran utterly condemns the behavior of the Libyan government against its people, the killings and pressure on people, and the bombing of its cities... but it (also) condemns the military action in Libya." New Year (Nowrouz) speech on March 21, 2011
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
       "The intervention of some European countries and America in the regional nations increases concern and makes circumstances more complicated."
       "The double standard action of the Western countries in Bahrain and Libya and their silence towards the atrocities of the Zionist regime against the innocent Palestinians shows their contradictory performance in the world." Quoted during a phone conversation with U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, April 3, 2011
Ramin Mehmanparast, foreign ministry spokesman
       "These countries enter usually with seductive slogans of supporting the people but they follow their own interests in ruling the countries and continuing colonialism in a new form."
Quoted in the Iranian Students News Agency (ISNA), March 20, 2011
Ali Larijani, speaker of parliament
       “The West, and specifically the United States, has deceived people in the past with democracy and human rights slogans, but now it is evident that what is of importance to them is oil and the interests of corporations.”
       “The United Nations issues a resolution in support of the people of Libya and engages in widespread attacks against the Libyan regime, while in Bahrain they do the exact opposite. They tell the Saudi army and other Arab countries to enter the country in support of the Bahraini regime…The question is that if the United States and the West want to support the opposition, then why are Gaddafi's bases targeted by aircraft and missiles under the pretext of supporting revolutionary people while the revolutionaries are being repressed in Bahrain?” Quoted in the Iranian Students News Agency (ISNA) March 26, 2011
Editorial in Sobh-e Sadeq (newspaper linked to the Revolutionary Guards)
       “The best choice for solving the Libyan crisis is the continuation and perseverance of the peoples movement, and pressure on the Qaddafi regime without military expeditions to this country. This way the Libyan people can determine their destiny without foreign intervention.”
April 3, 2011
Editorial in the semi-official Mehr News Agency
       “The recent upheavals have shown that the dictators of the Arab world do not want to learn from the past. All of them—from the Al-Khalifa’s in Bahrain, Ali Abdullah Saleh in Yemen, and Muammar Gaddafi in Libya—have chosen a destiny similar to the grim fate of Saddam [Hussein].”March 31, 2011
Iran's National Human Rights Committee
       "Iran's National Human Rights Committee denounces brutal and inhumane acts of Libyan government against its oppressed and defenseless people and extends sympathy with victims and those harmed following violence." March 18, 2011
http://iranprimer.usip.org/blog/2011/apr/05/iran-backs-libyan-rebels-chastises-west-over-oil-bahrain

“Gaddafi's Mercenaries in Libya”, Μάρτιος 2011
Whole Article
Libya's Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, aware that he cannot fully trust either his country's tribal leaders or his army -- which has, in recent, days suffered from massive defections – has been turning increasingly to hiring countless mercenaries from almost all of Africa to offset the lack of loyalty of his own countrymen to help him repress the popular revolt against his regime.
As long as Gaddafi remains in power, he will destabilize all of Africa, as he has in the past, by supporting crimes against humanity, wars and terrorism.
Further, if Gaddafi stays, even only in the West part of Libya, he will continue to stop any democratization in the region by terrorism and military means, and do anything in his power to undermine Libya's neighbors – especially Egypt and Tunisia—in their hopes for democracy. Even half a Gaddafi with half a Libya is dangerous. He enjoys the complicity of African dictatorships, as in Zimbabwe and in Chad, and of African rebel groups that, in the future, might well attack American interests.
The mercenaries reportedly come from different countries of North- and Sub-Saharan Africa: Chad, Mauritania, Sudan, Somalia, Zimbabwe, Liberia. And these mercenaries come in different categories: some are pure mercenaries, moved by money; others are soldiers sent directly by their central governments, and others are members of guerrilla movements supported by Gaddafi in the past. The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) claims that Gaddafi is also using child soldiers to face the Libyan uprising.
The International Federation of Human Rights numbers the mercenaries to be 6,000 whereas Human Rights Solidarity gives an estimate of 30,000[1]. According to the Qatari satellite channel, Al-Jazeera, Gaddafi's regime has brought approximately 50,000 mercenaries to Tripoli, and about 150,000 mercenaries throughout Libya[2].
Central Africa
Chad
Libyan revolutionaries claim that the government of Chad is playing a vital role in providing "mercenaries" to Gaddafi through the overland route to the Libyan town of Sabha, just across the Chad border. Ali Zeidan, spokesman of the exiled Libyan Human Rights League (LHRL), claims that two Chadian generals are commanding the mercenaries, under the orders of the Chad's ambassador to Libya, Daoussa Deby, the brother of Chadian President Idriss Deby.
The Government of Chad denies providing mercenaries to Gaddafi. Chadian FM Minister Moussa Faki Mahamat said in a statement. "These are outrageous and malicious reports. […] Chad has never sent or authorized the recruitment of its nationals to fight in Libya. Chad cannot afford such a gesture, as we are concerned about the situation in our neighboring country."
Gaddafi has a long and complicated relation with its neighbor, Chad. Gaddafi brought Chadian President Deby to power in 1990 by supporting him financially and militarily. Deby was a rival to former Chadian President Hissene Habré, Gaddafi's enemy. In 1980, Libya invaded Chad in an attempt to remove Habré from power. Libya occupied and annexed the Aozou Strip, a region of 44.00 square miles in the North of Chad, bordering Libya's entire 500 mile frontier[3].
At the time, the United States and France helped Chad in order to contain Libya's regional ambitions. The state of warfare between Chad and Libya lasted from 1978 to 1988. Gaddafi was defeated and had to put aside his hegemonic dreams in Chad. In retaliation to US and France's support to Chad, however, Gaddafi's government sponsored the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 in 1988 and French Airline UTA Flight 772 in 1989.
Habré's government, however, did not last long. He was opposed by the Zaghawa ethnic group. In November 1990, a rebel offensive against Habré was led by Idriss Deby, the Zaghawa former army commander, supported by Gaddafi.
Darfur Region
Darfur, a region in western Sudan, is where war erupted in 2003, when the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) and the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) emerged to fight the government in a battle over power, resources and land allocation. Gaddafi was deeply involved in the Darfur crisis. Libya openly supported the Darfur rebel group, JEM, led by Khalil Ibrahim. Ibrahim was born in Darfur and belongs to the African tribe of Zaghawa, spread between Darfur and Chad. Even though Khalil claimed he was leading a battle against the discrimination practiced by African tribes in Darfur, he declared in an interview with Saudi-owned Al-Sharq al-Awsat newspaper on May 3, 2005, that his goal was "one state that includes Egypt, Libya and Chad." Khalil has been supported by the president of Chad, Idriss Deby. Deby, himself is a Zaghawa[4].
Gaddafi's support to the JEM, which is fighting the central government in Khartoum, can be explained through his controversial relations with Sudan. In the 70s, the former Sudanese President Jaffar Nimeiry was getting closer to the US. Gaddafi, being a fighter against "Imperialism," severed diplomatic relations with Khartoum and allegedly plotted three failed coups. Relations between the two countries did not completely normalize until now.
Gaddafi is paying a pivotal role in keeping alive the conflict in Darfur. Recently, Khalil Ibrahim has been residing in Tripoli since May 2010, after being barred entry to Chad, while the Chadian government was trying to pursue a rapprochement with Sudan.
Sudan's foreign ministry says it has evidence that JEM members are among the mercenaries supporting Gaddafi. The JEM has denied these allegations.
Burundi
Qatari satellite channel, Al-Jazeera, mentions the presence of mercenaries from Burundi among Gaddafi's forces.[5] However, there is no further information on this topic.
Cameroon
There is no clear information on mercenaries from Cameroon.
Central Africa Republic (CRA)
News items report the presence of mercenaries from Central Africa Republic among Gaddafi's forces. UNICEF spokeswoman Marixie Mercado told the Associated Press that there is "a serious concern" that child soldiers are among the mercenaries that Gaddafi is hiring to attack rebel forces. The spokeswoman for the UN children's agency said the mercenaries come from the Central African Republic, Chad, Niger, and Sudan's Darfur region, which are all places "with known child soldiers."[6]
Gaddafi also intervened militarily in the CRA; he supported coups and violence there. Gaddafi was a supporter of former CRA President, Ange-Félix Patassé, accused of war crimes, and of Jean Pierre Bemba (former vice-president of the Democratic Republic of the Congo), who intervened with his militias in CRA following Patassé's request, and with Gaddafi's support. Bemba was arrested in Belgium in 2008 on the basis of an arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity and war crimes.
French news items suggest that Bemba's militia, the Movement for the Liberation of Congo, is among the mercenaries fighting with Gaddafi against the uprising[7].
Congo Brazzaville
The President of Congo Brazzaville, Sassou Nguesso, openly supports Gaddafi. The Libyan leader has supported him both financially and militarily during a civil war in Congo that brought Nguesso back to power in 1997. Nguesso, with other African leaders, wanted to visit Tripoli on March 20th supposedly in support of Gaddafi, but did not receive international permission.
There is no clear information on mercenaries from Congo Brazzaville.
DR Congo (Former Zaire)
According to news items, Congolese mercenaries in Libya are members of rebels' groups[8]. Allegedly among them, as mentioned above, there is also former Congo VP Jean Pierre Bemba Bemba's militia, the Movement for the Liberation of Congo.
Gabon
Gabon supported the council's resolution on Libya authorizing the no-fly zone over Libya and "all necessary measures" to protect civilians. The vote comes as a surprise as Gabon President, Ali Bongo, is considered a good friend of Gaddafi, and Libya has invested hugely in Gabon. Ali Bongo succeeded his father, Omar Bongo, as President of Gabon. Omar Bongo, who stayed in power for 42 years, converted to Islam under Gaddafi's influence. Gabon's vote should therefore be understood in light of its internal political crisis. Bongo is accused of supporting dictators and of being one himself. Massive protests have been waged against Bongo, but were soon repressed by the use of force.
Gabon, however, after voting in favour of the UN Security Council resolution on Libya, had an afterthought and called for the immediate ceasefire by the western coalition forces.
There is no clear information on mercenaries from Gabon.
Equatorial Guinea
African Union (AU) Chairperson and Equatorial Guinea dictator Teodoro Obiang Nguema twice has called Colonel Gaddafi to secure AU support[9]. But some African countries are opposing the AU Chairperson's call to help Gaddafi.
Afrol news agency reports that following a phone call between Gaddafi and President Obiang -- who rose to power in Equatorial Guinea in 1979 -- the AU expressed support for the Libyan regime, praising its "readiness" for "political reforms." In a strong statement, the AU said it was firm in "its rejection of any form of foreign military intervention," including a no-fly zone[10].
However, the UN Security Council with the support of African member countries, South Africa, Nigeria and Gabon, approved of military action against the Libya. President Obiang again spoke over the telephone with the Libyan leader to discuss means to demonstrate Libyan cooperation with the international community by preparing for an AU "panel of five heads of state" to "investigate" the peace and security situation in Libya and "help negotiate a peace agreement between the Libyan government and the rebels."[11]
In a statement, the government of Equatorial Guinea said that the phone calls between the two leaders were misinterpreted, and that President Obiang would not show unilateral support to any of the parties in Libya.[12] According to news items, however, President Obiang sent troops to help Gaddafi[13]. The estimated number is of 650 Guinean soldiers[14]. Another news item reported that the government of Equatorial Guinea had prepared a group of 120 policemen and gendarmes to send to fight in Libya. The Guinean government told them that in Libya they would have received a 60-day training course as "border police." However while the 120 men were waiting to fly to Libya, they were apparently told that there was no safe way or possibility of landing in any Libyan airport[15].
Rwanda
No reports of mercenaries heading to Libya.
Rwandan President Paul Kagame, in power since the year 2000, backed the international coalition action in Libya, saying lessons had been learned from the genocide in his country. The South African newspaper, Times Live, reports Kagame words: "No country knows better than my own the costs of the international community failing to intervene to prevent a state killing its own people. In the course of 100 days in 1994, a million Rwandans were killed by government-backed 'genocidaires' and the world did nothing to stop them".[16]
Sao Tome
No reports of mercenaries heading to Libya.
North Africa
Morocco
No reports of mercenaries heading to Libya.
The Polisario
The Moroccan Press Agency reports members of the Polisario, Western Sahara Separatist Group, left Mali's capital Bamako on board a Libyan aircraft heading to Algiers, intending to enter Libya by land to support Gaddafi's forces against rebels[17].
The Polisario is a politico-military organization fighting Morocco in order to take control of the former Western Sahara, currently under Morocco's sovereignty, and win independence for that region. The Polisario's headquarters are now based in Algeria, in the town of Tindouf. According to news items, Gaddafi spoke directly to Muhammad Abdelaziz, leader of the Polisario Front, to ask for help. Gaddafi has supported the Polisario against Morocco financially and logistically, since the mid-1970s by providing equipment for an entire army.
According to sources, over two hundred well trained Polisario's fighters trained in the techniques of guerrilla warfare have been selected and armed with Kalashnikovs, grenades and rocket launchers, and sent on their way on board 4X4 at the end of last week, and headed for Libya. The mercenaries took the path leading to the Libyan border town of Atchane Al, where they had to be escorted by the Libyan military to Tripoli, passing by the city of Sabha[18].
The Moroccan American Center for Policy, reported that Libya's former Minister of State for Immigration & Expatriates, Ali Errishi, condemned members of the Polisario for their "hypocrisy" in claiming to fight for freedom and progressive ideals, but joining the Gaddafi's mercenary army.[19] Errishi confirmed that well-armed members of the Polisario are among Gaddafi's mercenaries.
Algeria
The African Press Agency claimed that the Algerian government is supporting Gaddafi in recruiting mercenaries, especially from the Polisario, as Algeria is supporting this separatist group against Morocco. "The Algerian government spares no effort to facilitate the arrival of new reinforcements for Gaddafi to shield his regime from falling and avoid the repercussions on Algeria's stability that may arise from such a collapse".[20]
The Algerian government denied being involved in fighting the uprising against Gaddafi. The foreign ministry said in a statement, that these "false lies" which were reported by internet websites and TV satellite channels are "baseless," and Algeria was committed to non-interference in other countries' internal affairs, said the statement[21].
Tunisia
The Algerian paper Echorouk reports that after the Tunisian revolution, militias loyal to former Tunisian President Zine el Abedine Ben Ali escaped from Tunisia and found refuge in Libya[22]. According to news items, these militias are now fighting to protect Gaddafi's regime.
Mauritania
Mauritanians mercenaries are reported to be fighting for Gaddafi in Libya. A Libyan political opponent living in Washington DC, Mahmoud Chemam, stated that popular committees linked to Gaddafi in Mauritania are trying to recruit mercenaries to send to Libya[23]. Pro-Gaddafi's parties and movements in Mauritania are part of the fundamentalist Islamic Front Action. Mauritanian leader of the opposition, Messaoud Ould Boulkheir, called for investigation of Mauritanian mercenaries in Libya[24]. Since Gaddafi came to power, Libya has intervened in Mauritania's internal affairs. Gaddafi is even accused of having plotted several coups in Mauritania.

France and Libya sign arms deal”, Αύγουστος 2007
1η, 2η Παράγραφος
Libya has signed contracts with France to buy anti-tank missiles and radio communications equipment worth $405m (£199m), Libyan officials have said.
The arms agreement is Libya's first with a Western country since a European Union embargo was lifted in 2004.
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France's opposition Socialist leader Francois Hollande has called for a parliamentary inquiry into the negotiations between France and Libya.

“The Algerian Connection”, Αύγουστος 2011
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/dr-charles-g-cogan/algeria-gaddafi_b_948026.html

Libya Seals Peace Deal for Chad”, Οκτώβριος 2007
1η, 2η, 3η, 4η Παράγραφος
Four Chadian rebel groups have sealed a peace agreement with the government, three weeks after negotiating the preliminary deal.
Libyan leader Colonel Muammar Gaddafi hosted the talks alongside the presidents of Chad and Sudan.
The insurgent groups have waged an on-off rebellion against Chadian President Idriss Deby for years.
The fighting was linked to the conflict plaguing the neighbouring Sudanese region of Darfur.

Chad: Gaddafi's Best Ally”, Ιούλιος 2011
5η , 6η , 7η, 8η , 9η Παράγραφος
Gaddafi has a long and complicated history with the neighboring Chad. The colonel brought the Chadian President Idriss Déby to power in 1990, by supporting him financially and militarily. In 1973, Libya's hegemonic ambitions brought the invasion of Chad, occupying and annexing the Aozou Strip, a region considered to be rich in uranium, some 44,00 square miles in the north of Chad bordering the whole 500-mile frontier with Libya. In 1987, Chad, under the leadership of President Hissène Habré, tried to take back the Aozou Strip from Libya. In order to contain Libya's regional aspirations, the United States and France gave military help to Habré. Chad, hence, managed to provide Libya with several setbacks, destroying also an airbase 100 kilometers inside Libya.
Ιn October 1988, Libya and Chad restored diplomatic relations, even though the climate of tension between the two countries continued to exist. In retaliation of the United States and France's support to Habré, the Libyan leader sponsored the bombing of a U.S. Pan Am Flight 103 in 1988. In 1990, the dispute over the Aouzou Strip between Chad and Libya was submitted to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). On February 3, 1994 the ICJ ruled that the Strip should remain under Chad's sovereignty. On May 30,1994, Gaddafi accepted the ICJ's decision and Libyan troops were pulled from the Aozou Strip.
Habré's government did not last long, however. In November 1990, a rebel offensive against the Chadian ruler was led by Idriss Déby, former army commander under Habré's regime belonging to the Zaghawa ethnic group, supported by Gaddafi. After three months of provisional government, Déby was declared president of Chad.
Déby owes Gaddafi his rise to power, but not only that. On February 2008, in the capital N'Djamena, Chadian rebels tried to topple Déby's regime, but he managed to stop the revolt thanks to Gaddafi's support. The Libyan opposition is now accusing the Chadian president of sending soldiers in order to pay back the debt he owes Gaddafi.
In February 2011, Libyan revolutionaries accused the Chadian government of having played a vital role in providing "mercenaries" to Gaddafi to prevent his fall, through the overland route to Libyan town of Sabha, just across Chad's border. Ali Zeidan, spokesman for the exiled Libyan Human Rights League (LHRL), claimed that two Chadian generals were commanding the mercenaries, under the orders of the Chad's ambassador to Libya, Daoussa Déby, brother of the Chadian president.

“Why France Was So Keen to Attack Libya”, Μάρτιος 2011
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Even before allied forces unleashed a "shock and awe" barrage of cruise missile attacks against Libya on March 19, French President Nicolas Sarkozy was quick to take the credit, saying France had "decided to assume its role, its role before history" in stopping strongman Muammar Gaddafi's "killing spree" against people whose only crime was to seek to "liberate themselves from servitude."
Sarkozy's newfound concern for Libyan democracy contrasts sharply from only three years ago, when Sarkozy welcomed Gaddafi with open arms during an extravagant five-day state visit to France. On that occasion in December 2007, Gaddafi breezed into Paris in his Bedouin robes, accompanied by an entourage of 400 servants, five airplanes, a camel and 30 female virgin bodyguards, and then proceeded to pitch his heated tent on the grounds of the palatial Hôtel de Marigny, just across the street from the Elysée Palace.
At the time, Sarkozy ridiculed critics of Gaddafi's visit by saying: "It is rather beautiful the principle that consists in not getting yourself wet, not taking risks, being so certain of everything you think while you're having your latte on the Boulevard Saint-Germain." He also asked: "If we don't welcome countries that are starting to take the path of respectability, what can we say to those that leave that path?" Meanwhile, Sarkozy's chief diplomatic advisor, Jean-David Levitte, insisted that Libya had a "right to redemption."
Nor did Sarkozy express much support for the recent uprisings in the Arab world, which deposed long-time friends of Paris, including Tunisian President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali and Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak.
In the case of Tunisia, Sarkozy reluctantly fired his loyal foreign minister, Michèle Alliot-Marie, after it emerged that she borrowed a private jet from a Tunisian businessman linked to Ben Ali in order to work on her suntan in the Tunisian seaside town of Tabarka during the height of the political upheaval in Tunisia. According to the French newspaper Le Canard Enchaîné, Alliot-Marie also offered Ben Ali the "know how" of France's security forces to help him quash the fighting in Tunisia just three days before he was removed from office.
In Egypt, it emerged that French Prime Minister François Fillon and his family had accepted a free holiday from Mubarak, complete with a private plane and Nile River boat, just weeks before the Egyptian president was removed from office. Facing accusations that France cozies up to dictators, Sarkozy said that in the future, his government ministers should take their holidays in France.
So what explains Sarkozy's about-face vis-à-vis Libya? His sudden support for the anti-Gaddafi rebels can be attributed to two main factors: opinion polls and the closely related issue of Muslim immigration.
Sarkozy's sudden zeal for the cause of democracy in Libya comes as his popularity is at record lows just thirteen months before the first round of the 2012 presidential election. With polls showing that Sarkozy is the least popular president since the founding of the Fifth Republic in 1958, he is betting that French voters will appreciate his efforts in Libya to place France at the center of the world stage and reinforce what Charles de Gaulle once famously called "a certain idea of France" as a nation of exceptional destiny.

Libya no-flyresolution reveals global split in UN”, Μάρτιος 2011
2η , 3η Παράγραφος
Russia and China abstained rather than use their veto, due largely to the influence of the Arab League. It would have been hard to reject the official voice of the region. However, the Arab League's role on this occasion arose from a particular set of circumstances, largely revolving around the unpopularity of Muammar Gaddafi and his regime.
In the long term, Washington, London and Paris might worry about the decision of Brazil, India and Germany to abstain. The German vote was a reminder that western solidarity cannot be taken for granted after Iraq. More importantly, Brazil and India – two rapidly growing powers widely backed for permanent seats in a reformed security council – showed that their geopolitical instincts lie with Russia and China. For them issues of sovereignty and non-interference trumped human rights concerns.
7η , 8η Παράγραφος
United States A late but decisive member of the no-fly zone lobby, Barack Obama's White House was torn for weeks between interventionists in the state department and its own ranks, and the pragmatism of the defence secretary, Robert Gates, and his generals. The sudden promotion of an aggressively worded resolution came after the rapid advances of Gaddafi's troops brought home the possibility of a bloodbath in Benghazi, and Arab League support for a no-fly zone defused some fears of alienating the Arab and Islamic world.
The United Arab Emirates and Qatar Both Gulf states have their reasons for wanting to see the back of Gaddafi. They see him as a destabilising influence in the Arab world, and feel deceived by Libyan promises of reform. Gaddafi outraged the UAE by backing Iran over disputed islands in the Gulf. Qatar was furious over Tripoli's treatment of al-Jazeera, including the shooting dead of one of its television journalists.

“Al Jazeera staffer killed in Libya”, Μάρτιος 2011
1η, 2η  Παράγραφος
An Al Jazeera cameraman has been killed in what appears to have been an ambush near the rebel-held city of Benghazi in eastern Libya.
Ali Hassan Al Jaber was returning to Benghazi from a nearby town after filing a report from an opposition protest when unknown fighters opened fire on a car he and his colleagues were travelling in.
6η, 7η Παράγραφος
Wadah Khanfar, the director-general of Al Jazeera, said the network "will not remain silent" and will pursue those behind the ambush through legal channels.
He said that the killing came after "an unprecedented campaign" against the network by Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi.

“G8 summit: Gaddafi isolated as Russia joins demand forLibyan leader to go”, Μάιος 2011
1η Παράγραφος
Colonel Gaddafi has beenleft diplomatically deserted after Russia, his sole international interlocutor joined the rest of the G8 nations in declaring the Libyan leader had lost all legitimacy and had to go.

“ENIleads Libya oil race; RussiaChina may lose out”, του Αυγούστου 2011
1η και 2η Παράγραφος
“Italian oil company Eni led the charge back into Libya on Monday as rebels hailing the end of Muammar Gaddafi's rule warned Russian and Chinese firms that they may lose out on lucrative oil contracts for failing to support the rebellion”.
Gaddafi's fall will reopen the doors to Africa's largest oil reserves and give new players such as Qatar's national oil company and trading house Vitol the chance to compete with established European and U.S. oil majors.
"We don't have a problem with Western countries like the Italians, French and UK companies. But we may have some political issues with Russia, China and Brazil," Abdeljalil Mayouf, information manager at Libyan rebel oil firm AGOCO, told Reuters
16η, 17η και 18η Παράγραφος
About 75 Chinese companies operated in Libya before the war, involving about 36,000 staff and 50 projects, according to Chinese media.
Russian companies, including oil firms Gazprom Neft (SIBN.MM) and Tatneft TATN3.MM, also had projects worth billions of dollars in Libya. Brazilian firms such as Petrobras (PETR3.SA) and construction company Odebrecht were also in business there.
"We have lost Libya completely," Aram Shegunts, director general of the Russia-Libya Business Council, told Reuters. "Our companies will lose everything there because NATO will prevent them from doing their business inLibya."
21η Παράγραφος
Wintershall said restarting production could be done within several weeks: "This of course depends on the state of the export infrastructure as well as a stable security situation in the country," it said. Analysts and industry observers have said Eni and Total could emerge as the big winners in post-war Libya due to their countries' heavy support for the rebels.

Italy's Berlusconi exposes NATO rifts over Libya”, του Ιουλίου 2011.
1η Παράγραφος
Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi said on Thursday he was against NATO intervention in Libya but had to go along with it, an admission that exposed the fragility of the alliance trying to unseat Muammar Gaddafi.
16η Παράγραφος
Potentially adding to the pressure on Italy to review its stance on Libya, a senior Libyan government spokesman said negotiations had begun with Russian and Chinese firms to take over the role of Italian energy firm ENI in oil and gas projects.

France, U.K. Have Differing Motives For Intervening In Libya”, Μάρτιος 2011
2η, 3η και 4η Παράγραφος
France and the United Kingdom have led the charge on the intervention in Libya. For a month, both pushed the international community toward an intervention, ultimately penning U.N. Security Council Resolution 1973 authorizing the no-fly zone on March 17.
Paris’ and London’s interests in waging war on Libya are not the same, and Libya carries different weight with each. For the United KingdomLibya offers a promise of energy exploitation. It is not a country with whichLondon has a strong client-patron relationship at the moment, but one could develop if Moammar Gadhafi were removed from power. For FranceTripoli already is a significant energy exporter and arms customer. Paris’ interest in intervening is also about intra-European politics. Paris has been the most vociferous supporter of theLibya intervention. French President Nicolas Sarkozy made it his mission to gather an international coalition to wage war on Libya, and France has been at the vanguard of recognizing the legitimacy of the Benghazi-based rebels.
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The domestic political story is fairly straightforward. At the onset of the unrest in the Middle East, Paris stalled on recognizing the protesters as legitimate. In fact, then-French Foreign Minister Michele Alliot-Marie offered the Tunisian government official help in dealing with the protesters. Three days later, longtime Tunisian President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was forced to flee the country
10η Παράγραφος
The intervention in Libya therefore is a way to reassert to Europe, but particularly to Germany, that France still leads the Continent on foreign and military affairs. It is a message that says if Europe intends to be taken seriously as a global power, it will need French military power. France’s close coordination with the United Kingdom also is an attempt to further develop the military alliance between London and Paris formalized on Nov. 2, 2010, as a counter to Germany’s overwhelming economic and political power in the European Union.
12η Παράγραφος
As for interests in LibyaFrance has plenty, but its situation could be improved. French energy major Total SA is involved in Libya but not to the same extent as Italian ENI or even German Wintershall. Considering Libya’s plentiful and largely unexplored energy reserves, French energy companies could stand to profit from helping rebels take power in Tripoli. But it is really military sales that Paris has benefited from thus far. Between 2004 — when the European Union lifted its arms embargo against Libya — and 2011, Tripoli has purchased approximately half a billion dollars worth of arms from France, more than from any other country in Europe. However, the Italian government was in negotiation for more than a billion dollars worth of more deals in 2010, and it seemed that the Rome-Tripoli relationship was overtaking Paris’ efforts in Libya prior to the intervention.
16η Παράγραφος
London has another significant interest, namely, energy. British energy major BP has no production in Libya, although it agreed with Tripoli to drill onshore and offshore wells under a $1 billion deal signed in 2007. The negotiations on these concessions were drawn out but were finalized after the Scottish government decided to release convicted Lockerbie bomber Abdel Baset al-Megrahi on humanitarian grounds in August 2009. He was expected to die of prostate cancer within months of his release but presumably is still alive in Tripoli. The Labour government in power at the time came under heavy criticism for al-Megrahi’s release. British media speculated, not entirely unfairly, that the decision represented an effort to kick-start BP’s production in Libya and smooth relations between London and Tripoli. BP announced in 2009 that it planned to invest $20 billion in Libyan oil production over the next 20 years.

“Why the Libyans Have Fallen Out of Love with Qatar”, Ιανουάριος 2012
1η , 2η , 3η , 4η Παράγραφος
When Libya's cashed-strapped rebels needed financial support to bankroll their revolution last spring, they did not look to Western powers such as the U.S. and England for aid. Instead they turned to tiny Qatar. The Persian Gulf emirate provided the struggling rebels everything from weapons to heating oil. During the eight-month revolution, Libyans in rebel-held areas praised Qatar. But after the capital of Tripoli fell and the country's leader, Muammar Gaddafi, was killed, Libyans turned on their benefactor, accusing Qatar of a hidden agenda: getting a small faction of Islamists to implement its agenda.
Qatar's role was crucial during the early days of the revolution. It spearheaded the Arab League's effort to urge the U.N. to establish a no-fly zone in Libya. The resolution paved the way for the NATO air campaign that turned the tide of the war and sealed Gaddafi's fate.
Qatar provided the rebels with weapons and supplies they needed to fight the Libyan leader's troops. Early on, the Qataris delivered logistical provisions, ranging from walkie-talkies to Chevrolet SUVs. As it became clear that the rebels were underequipped and no match for Gaddafi's better-outfitted troops, the Qataris sent heavy weaponry like French Milan antitank missiles. The Qataris also trained the rebels, taking hundreds to Doha while sending their officers to Libya to provide battlefield expertise. Today, they are preparing to fund a program to send Libyan troops to train in France.
Qatar did much more than finance weapons purchases and provide battlefield training. With no access to money and facing legal difficulties in selling oil, the rebels' political body — known as the National Transitional Council (NTC) — could not pay Libyan salaries and fund the wide-ranging subsidies on everything from bread to gas, which grease the economy. Qatar stepped in by offering to market 1 million barrels of oil for the NTC, which brought in about $100 million. Later, the small but immensely rich country delivered four consignments of refined petroleum products, such as diesel and gasoline. When international oil firms refused to offload oil shipments in Benghazi's port until the NTC paid for them, Qatar intervened and pledged to do so if the Libyan council could not.
6η Παράγραφος
But with Gaddafi dead and his regime a distant memory, many Libyans are now complaining that Qatari aid has come at a price. They say Qatar provided a narrow clique of Islamists with arms and money, giving them great leverage over the political process. "I think what they have done is basically support the Muslim Brotherhood," says former NTC Deputy Prime Minister Ali Tarhouni, referring to the Islamist organization that has won elections in Egypt and Tunisia. "They have brought armaments and they have given them to people that we don't know." Some Qatari officials have indeed exerted influence in Libyan politics. During deliberations to choose a new Cabinet in September, a senior Qatari official was seen huddled with the outgoing Defense Minister, allegedly trying to guide appointments to sensitive security positions.


“Gaddafi demands £4 billion from EU or Europe will turn 'black'”, Νοέμβριος 2010

“Η Γεωπολιτική της Συμμαχίας του Καντάφι με το Ιράν”

Libya, Chad and Sudan – An Ambiguous Triangle”

“The Dynamics of Conflict in the Tri-Borer Region of Sudan, Chad and the Central African Repubic”, Μάρτιος 2008

“The Sudanese Role in Libya 2011”, Δεκέμβριος 2012

Iran invites Libyan NTC head to Tehran”, Αύγουστος 2011

Iran Invites Libya Rebel Chief to Tehran”, Αύγουστος 2011

France and Italy share strong ties with Libya's Gadhafi”, Φεβρουάριος 2011

“Darfur rebel leader Khalil Ibrahim flees Libya”, Σεπτέμβριος 2011
1η, 2η, 3η, 4η Παράγραφος
The leader of Darfur's main Justice and Equality Movement (Jem) rebel group, Khalil Ibrahim, has returned from exile in Libya.
Mr Ibrahim fled Libya after Col Muammar Gaddafi's government - which gave him refuge last year - was ousted.
Sudan had accused Mr Ibrahim's forces of fighting for Col Gaddafi in his attempt to hold on to power.
Mr Ibrahim said he had evaded attempts by Sudanese intelligence to capture him in Libya, reports say.
10η  , 11η, 12η, 13η,
Jem - the biggest rebel group in Darfur - signed a ceasefire with the Sudanese government in February 2010 but abandoned peace talks soon after, accusing Khartoum's forces of launching new raids in Darfur.
Col Gaddafi's fall in Tripoli is a blow to the rebels as he gave them sanctuary and financial and military aid, analysts say.
Mr Ibrahim was exiled in Libya since May 2010 after Chad - said to be another major backers of the rebels - refused to give him refuge following a peace deal with the Sudanese government.
Sudan had repeatedly asked Col Gaddafi's government to expel Mr Khalil, but it refused.

Sudan expels Iranian diplomats and closes cultural centers” Σεπτέμβριος 2014

“South Sudan : Independence
Between 9 and 15 January 2011, a referendum was held to determine whether South Sudan should become an independent country and separate from Sudan. 98.83% of the population voted for independence.[32] Those living in the north and expatriates living overseas also voted.[33] South Sudan formally became independent from Sudan on 9 July, although certain disputes still remained, including the division of oil revenues, as 75% of all the former Sudan's oil reserves are in South Sudan.[34] The region ofAbyei still remains disputed and a separate referendum will be held in Abyei on whether they want to join Sudan or South Sudan.[35] The South Kordofan conflict broke out in June 2011 between the Army of Sudanand the SPLA over the Nuba Mountains.

“Arab uprising: Country by country – Libya
Libya's uprising began in February 2011 after security forces in the eastern city of Benghazi opened fire on a protest.
Anti-government demonstrations then erupted in other towns before eventually reaching Tripoli. They swiftly evolved into an armed revolt seeking to topple to Muammar Gaddafi

Iran Invites Libya Rebel Chief”, Αύγουστος 2011

"Iran's Interests and Values and the 'Arab Spring'", Απρίλιος 2011
8η, 9η Παράγραφος
As for Libya, Iran's perspective is different. In the past, the two countries had established a cautious and realistic relationship. The Gaddafi regime had supported Iran in the 1980–1988 war with Iraq. But the issue of prominent Shii leader Imam Musa al-Sadr, who disappeared during a visit to Libya in 1978, has negatively affected Iran-Libya relations. Overall, Iran's policy has been supportive of the popular uprising in Libya.
Yet an important challenge for Iran here is the intervention of North Atlantic Treaty Organization and other Western forces in the Libyan crisis. Iranian leaders feel that the West's policy of connecting the security of the region to the security of the world and thereby justifying any preemptive attack aimed at preserving Western democratic values such as fostering democracy or fighting terrorism, etc., would continue to lead to a broad interpretation of using force in the region—with a subsequent increased foreign military presence which can be a source of extremism and instability as witnessed in the cases of Afghanistan and Iraq.

“BP returns to Libya after 30 years”, Μάιος 2007
1η, 2η, 3η Παράγραφος
Oil giant BP is to confirm its return to Libya's oil and gas fields for the first time in more than 30 years.
A spokesman for prime minister Tony Blair, who is on a five-day visit to Africa, spoke of BP's return at a briefing today.
BP has not operated in Libya since 1974, when the oil industry was nationalised.

“Oil companies fear nationalisation in Libya”, Μάρτιος 2011
1η, 2η Παράγραφος
Western oil companies operating in Libya have privately warned that their operations in the country may be nationalised if Colonel Muammer Gaddafi’s regime prevails.
Executives, speaking on condition of anonymity because of the rapidly moving situation, believe their companies could be targeted, especially if their home countries are taking part in air strikes against Mr Gaddafi. Allied forces from France, the UK and the US on Saturday unleashed a series of strikesagainst military targets in Libya.
4η Παράγραφος
Most of the world’s large international oil companies have producing assets in Libya, including Spain’s Repsol, France’s Total, and Italy’s Eni, which is the largest single investor there. Germany’s Winstershall – a unit of BASF – and OMV of Austria are also present.

Iran hails death of long-time ally Qaddafi as great victory”, Οκτώβριος 2011
1η, 2η Παράγραφος
Iran on Friday hailed the death of long-time ally and former Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi as a “great victory” and called for an immediate exit of foreign troops from Libya, the official IRNA news agency reported.
“This has been the doomed fate of all oppressors and tyrants throughout history because they ignore peoples’ rights when they rule their countries in the manner that they do,” Foreign Ministry Spokesman Ramin Mehmanparast was quoted as saying.

Turkey's PM Erdogan urges Col Muammar Gaddafi to quit”, Μάιος 2011
1η, 2η Παράγραφος
Turkey's Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has called for Libyan leader Col Muammar Gaddafi to step down "for the sake of the country's future".
Mr Erdogan said the Libyan leader had ignored the wishes of his people by using force against them.
5η, 6η, 7η 8η  Παράγραφος
President Bashir said the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), a Darfuri rebel group, had attacked Khartoum three years ago using Libyan trucks, equipment, arms, ammunition and money.
He said God had given Sudan a chance to respond, by sending arms, ammunition and humanitarian support to the Libyan revolutionaries.
"Our God, high and exalted, from above the seven skies, gave us the opportunity to reciprocate the visit," he said.
"The forces which entered Tripoli, part of their arms and capabilities, were 100% Sudanese," he told the crowd.

Turkey's Secret Proxy War in Libya?”, Μάρτιος 2015
1η , 2η , 3η , 4η Παράγραφος
Libya’s internationally recognized Prime Minister Abdullah al-Thinni accusedTurkey last month of sending weapons to his Islamist rivals who seized the Libyan capital of Tripoli last year. “Turkey is a state that is not dealing honestly with us,” he told Egyptian television.  “It’s exporting weapons to us so the Libyan people kill each other.”
These accusations are not new. In January, the speaker of Libya’s Parliamentclaimed, “Turkey still supports the terrorist militias in Libya.”  In December, a prominent Benghazi-based activist claimed that Ansar al-Sharia in Libya, a faction loyal to al-Qaeda that has carried out acts of political violence against the recognized Libyan government, is partially funded by “businessmen linked by trade ties to Turkey.” Two weeks ago, the acting interior minister of the embattled government in Tobruk claimed that Turkish and Qatari aircraft are flying in and out of the Mitiga air base, which is controlled by the opposing Dawn coalition, amounting to “clear and explicit support” for terrorism in Libya.
The Libyan Civil War, which began after Qaddaffi’s fall, is often describedas a proxy war, with Egypt and the United Arab Emirates reportedly backing al-Thinni and the officially recognized government in Tobruk, and Qatar and Turkey reportedly backing the Islamists and other opposition factions. Turkey has made no secret about backing the country’s Islamists after Qaddaffi’s fall in 2011, and it openlyliaises with the self-declared Islamist government in Tripoli. Yet Turkey’s Libyan envoy complains that these latest allegations are a “dangerous smear campaign.”
While hard evidence is still elusive, specific reports of Turkey’s growing role in the conflict began in January 2013, when Turkey’s Hurriyet newspaper reported that Greek authorities found Turkish weapons aboard a ship that was headed for Libya after the vessel stopped in Greece due to bad weather. In December of that year, the Egyptian press also reported that the Egyptian customs intercepted four containers of weapons from Turkey believed to be destined for Libyan militias.
7η Παράγραφος
Another purported weapons route for Turkish weapons may lie to Libya’s southeast. In January, a Libyan military official claimed that both Turkey and Qatar were supplying Operation Dawn with weaponry through Sudan, which has long been a transit point for Iranian weaponry to extremist groups across the Middle East. Interestingly, when the government banned Turkish planes from Libyan airspace in January, it also announced that Sudanese planes were no longer permitted.

“Why Gaddafi's Now a Good Guy”, Μάιος 2006
2η Παράγραφος
At the time, it may have sounded like the typical ramblings of the Libyan leader. But now, a year later, Gaddafi and Bush do apparently see eye to eye. On Monday, Gaddafi accomplished one of history's great diplomatic turnarounds when Secretary of State Condeleezza Rice announced that the U.S. was restoring full diplomatic relations with Libya and held up the Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya as "a model" for others to follow. Rice attributed the ending of the U.S.'s long break in diplomatic relations to Gaddafi's historic decision in 2003 to dismantle weapons of mass destruction and renounce terrorism as well as Libya's "excellent cooperation in response to common global threats faced by the civilized world since September 11, 2001."

“How Hugo Chavez botched the Arab Spring”, Νοέμβριος 2012
6η , 7η Παράγραφος
Indeed, before popular revolution broke out, Hugo Chavez of Venezuela had enjoyed a certain degree of popularity within the Arab world for championing the cause of Palestinian rights. In a serious miscalculation, however, Chavez came out against the Arab Spring once revolution spread from Egypt to Libya and then onward into Syria. In so doing, Chavez and others discredited themselves and probably discouraged any lasting alliance between Arab revolutionaries and sympathetic forces in South America.
The reasons for Chavez's missteps aren't too difficult to fathom. As I wrote in an earlier Al Jazeera column, the Venezuelan leader fashions his foreign policy in accordance with the notion of counteracting the "US Empire". While such an approach is understandable, it has led Chavez into some very questionable alliances with the likes of Bashar al-Assad of Syria, for example.  

“Libyan-Sudanese Relations”
“The 38-year connection between Irish republicans and Gaddafi”, Φεβρουάριος 2011

Libya's lessons for Iran”, Φεβρουάριος 2010
5η, 6η Παράγραφος
During the 1970s, he approached China, India, and Pakistan. Fortunately, despite the fact that India and Pakistan lay outside the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT) – and thus were not subject to its prohibition on disseminating arsenals – they, along with China, rebuffed his requests. Undaunted, he sought to acquire technologies to produce the weapons. Here, the non-proliferation dikes failed.
Gaddafi exploited a network of opportunity. French-controlled mines in Niger provided uranium ore. An undisclosed country conveyed a pilot uranium conversion facility. And the Soviet Union followed with a research reactor from which Libyan scientists extracted small amounts of plutonium.
14η Παράγραφος
Faced with the re-imposition of harsher measures, and with the pragmatists continuing their push to steer the country in a new direction, Gaddafi relented, trading the nuclear programme for political normalisation. On 31 May 2006, the US reopened its embassy in Tripoli, ending the quarter-century hiatus in diplomatic relations.

Sudan, Uganda: The End of a Rivalry”, Σεπτέμβριος 2015

Timeline : Al Qaeda”, Σεπτέμβριος 2006
5η Παράγραφος
May, 1996
Bin Laden leaves Sudan and returns to Afghanistan
In the mid1990s Sudan comes under growing international pressure to expel Osama Bin Laden. It is not clear whether he is actually forced to leave the African country but in May 1996 he returns to Afghanistan.


“Revealed: Colonel Gaddafi’s school for scoundrels”, Μάρτιος 2011

“The Sudanese Role in Libya 2011”, Δεκέμβριος 2012

Sudan's Bashir in Qatar defying arrest warrant”, Μάρτιος 2009

“The Sudan-Chad Proxy War”, Φεβρουάριος 2012

“Ahmadinejad Visits Egypt, Signaling Realignment”, Φεβρουάριος 2013

“Revealed: Colonel Gaddafi’s school for scoundrels”, Μάρτιος 2011

“Το Λαθρεμπόριο των Πυρηνικών Όπλων”

Iran and the Arab Spring: Between Expectations and Disillusion”, Νοέμβριος 2013

“Saudis Detail Alleged Libyan Murder Plot”, Απρίλιος 2016-05-08

“Saddam's Terror Links”, Μάρτιος 2008

“Η Εξέγερση των Μαχητών της Ερήμου Τουαρέγκ το 2012”.

“The Rise and Fall of Al-Qaeda: Debunking the Terrorism Narrative”, Μάρτιος 2012
7η Παράγραφος
The material links and connections between local branches and Al-Qaeda Central are tenuous at best: far from being an institutionally coherent social movement, Al-Qaeda is a loose collection of small groups and factions that tend to be guided by charismatic individuals and are more local than transnational in outlook. Most victims are therefore Muslim civilians. Further, these branches tend to be as much a liability for the long term strategic interests of Al-Qaeda Central as they are assets. Abu Musab Zarqawi, the emir of Al-Qaeda in Iraq, proved to be Al-Qaeda Central’s worst enemy. He refused to take orders from bin Laden or Zawahiri and, in fact, acted against their wishes, according to his own desires. Like Zarqawi, local groups or franchises — like Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) or Al-Qaeda of the Islamic Maghreb — which the terrorism narrative often paints as being closely aligned and commanded by Al-Qaeda Central in fact have proven repeatedly that they run by their own local and contextualized agendas, not those set among the inner sanctum of Al-Qaeda Central.

“Al-Qaeda returns to Afghanistan amid fears of new jihadist alliance with Isis and Taliban” Μάιος 2016
Al-Qaeda is back in Afghanistan, joining Isis and the Taliban in waging jihad. The three most prominent Islamist terrorist groups in the world are now in one violent arena and drawing the West back into a bloody conflict it had sought to leave behind.

“Quitting ISIS-Why Syrians are Abandoning the Group”, Μάιος 2016

“Η Συμμαχία του George Bush με τον Καντάφι”

“Opération Épervier”



“Ο Αμερικανός Στρατηγό Wesley Clark και η Επέμβαση στην Λιβύη”

“Ο Πόλεμος για το Πετρέλαιο της Λιβύης”

“Χάρτης Αποθεμάτων Πετρελαίου ανά Ήπειρο”.

“Σαντάμ Χουσέιν – Ο Πατέρας του ISIS στο Ιράκ”

“Καντάφι VS Γαλλία”

“Η Εξέγερση των Πολεμιστών της Ερήμου Τούαρεγκ το 2012”

“Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan
1η, 2η Παράγραφος
The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan[12] (Pashtoد افغانستان اسلامي امارات‎, Da Afghanistan Islami Amarat) was a state established in 1996 when the Taliban began their rule of Afghanistan and ended with their fall from power in 2001. The Taliban established control over approximately 90% of the country, the northeast was held by the Northern Alliance.[13]
It was established in 1996 after the Taliban conquered much of Afghanistan with "their extremist interpretation of Islam."[14] Their leader was Mohammed Omar, who became Amir al-Mu'minin (Leader of the Faithful) at Kandaharin 1996.[6][7][8]
13η, 14η, 15η, 16η Παράγραφος
Only Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) recognized the Taliban government.[31] The state was not recognised by the UN.
Relations between the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan and Iran deteriorated in 1998 after Taliban forces seized the Iranian consulate in Mazar-i-Sharif and executed Iranian diplomats. Following this incident, Iran threatened to invade Afghanistan by massing up military forces near the Afghan border but intervention by the United Nations Security Council and the United States prevented the war.
One reason for lack of international recognition was the Taliban's disregard for human rights and the rule of law as demonstrated by their actions on taking power. One of the first acts of the Taliban upon seizing power was the execution of the former Communist President of AfghanistanMohammad Najibullah. Before the Taliban had even taken control of Afghanistan's capital they sent out a squad to arrest Najibullah. As Najibullah was staying in the United Nations compound in Kabul, this was a violation of international law. As a further example, the Taliban regime was also heavily criticised for the murder of Iranian diplomats in Afghanistan[32] in 1998. The Taliban supported the Islamic militants operating in Chechnya and Xinjiang, thus antagonizing Russia and the People's Republic of China simultaneously.
In 2013, the Taliban opened an office in Qatar[33] with the goal of beginning talks between themselves, the United States and the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan.[34]There was a conflict after the office raised the white flag of the former Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, with U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry saying that the office could be closed if there was not a "move forward" in peace negotiations.[35][36]
Saudi Arabia's Yemen Dilemma”, Ιούνιος 2011
3η , 4η , 5η , 6η , 7η Παράγραφος
Yet in Yemen, Saudi Arabia has gone from supporting the rule of Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh to essentially strong-arming him into coming to Riyadh for medical treatment after a bomb attack at his presidential palace earlier this month. In Saudi Arabia's eyes, Saleh's hold on power became increasingly weak and untenable after months of protests, and Riyadh realized he has become a threat to stability rather than a protector of it.
In Yemen, political actors are more numerous, autonomous, fractious, and militarized than they are in other countries on the Arabian Peninsula. Yemen cannot be stabilized by the sorts of tactics that Riyadh has used elsewhere: a small show of force, the backing of one faction over another, the raising of the specters of sectarianism and Iran's nefarious hand, or simply throwing money at the problem. Bringing order to Yemen will require Saudi Arabia to find an acceptable alternative to Saleh -- a proposition that is easier said than done.
Saudi Arabia has historically tried to keep Yemen's central government weak and its political actors divided. The thought of a strong and united Yemen gives the Saudi royals pause: Yemen is the most populous country in the Arabian Peninsula, with 24 million people, a population that is heavily armed, tribal, and impoverished. To maintain its influence over the decades, Riyadh has cultivated discrete relationships with many of Yemen's political leaders (who serve in government) and tribal sheikhs (who form a counterweight to the central government).
Riyadh has not hesitated to punish Sana'a whenever it has expressed an independent policy. For example, during the Gulf War, when Saleh sided with Iraq's Saddam Hussein against Kuwait and the Saudi-led coalition, Saudi Arabia expelled nearly a million Yemeni migrant workers and cut off official aid to Yemen. (It did not, however, end its handouts to Yemen's tribes.) This moment marked the beginning of the unraveling of Yemen's economy, which today is in tatters. A few years later, in 1994, during Yemen's civil war, Riyadh continued to punish Saleh by supporting the secessionist socialists in southern Yemen. The Saudi leadership was not bothered by the fact that, in Wahhabi eyes, the socialists were infidels, further underscoring the pragmatic and non-ideological nature of Saudi Arabia's foreign policy. 
For decades, Saudi Arabia's policy toward Yemen was set by Crown Prince Sultan, the head of the Saudi "special committee," an administrative organization that managed the Kingdom's relationship with Yemen's political and tribal actors, including the disbursement of regular monetary payments to Yemen's most prominent leaders. But over the last few years, Prince Sultan's health has deteriorated (he suffers from dementia) and the special committee has effectively stopped functioning. Saudi Arabia's policy toward Yemen is allegedly now being managed by Prince Nayef, the Saudi Minister of the Interior, whose son, Prince Muhammad, is responsible for fighting al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. Prince Nayef has his favorite Yemeni players, including a number of Salafis and Islamists, as well as General Ali Muhsin, a relative of Saleh's and a contender to replace him in power.

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